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The Role of Animacy in Online Argument Interpretation in Mandarin Chinese

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Part of the book series: Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics ((SITP,volume 40))

Abstract

The present event-related brain potential (ERPs) study demonstrates that online argument interpretation in verb-final structures in Mandarin Chinese is modulated by two factors: a preference for Undergoer-before-Actor orders and a preference for animate Actor arguments. Participants listened to sentences with NP(animate)-NP(inanimate)-verb or NP(inanimate)-NP(animate)-verb orders embedded in minimal contexts. Sentences were disambiguated towards either an Actor-initial or an Undergoer-initial order by the clause-final verb. Between 450 and 700 ms post verb onset, we observed an anterior negativity for sentences violating both preferences (inanimate-Actor-initial structures) vs. sentences fulfilling both preferences (inanimate-Undergoer-initial). The two remaining structures (animate-Actor-initial and animate-Undergoer-initial) did not differ from one another but engendered a negativity in comparison to the preferred order (inanimate-Undergoer-initial). These results suggest that a preference for Undergoer-initial structures is only applied online when it is supported by animacy. When the two preferences are in conflict, by contrast, the processing system’s preference may not be stable across trials. Our findings thus show that animacy information plays a crucial role in argument interpretation in NP-NP-verb structures in Chinese.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Two examples which serve to illustrate the topic-prominence of Mandarin Chinese are given in (i) and (ii):

    (i)“Double subject” construction in Mandarin Chinese (from Li and Thompson 1976: 468)

    nàkēshùyèzidà

    that clf  tree leaves big

    ‘That tree (topic), the leaves are big.’

    (ii)Topic-controlled coreference in Mandarin Chinese (from Li and Thompson 1976: 463)

    nàkēshùyèzidà,suŏyǐ wŏ bùxĭhuān __.

    that clf tree leaves big soInot like

    ‘That tree (topic), the leaves are big, so I don’t like (it/*them). ’

  2. 2.

     An example for a subject reading of the argument in (1a) is given in (i):

    (i) Dün  adam          uyudu.

    yesterday man[nom] sleep-pst.3sg

    ‘Yesterday (the) man slept.’

  3. 3.

     Other previous studies on possible subject/object asymmetries during the online processing of Chinese have focused exclusively on the comprehension of subject and object relative clauses (Hsiao and Gibson 2003; Lin and Bever 2006; Packard et al. 2006). Because the processing of relative clauses is subject to a wider variety of influences than argument interpretation in simple sentences (e.g. parallel function or perspective taking), these findings are not directly relevant for the question under discussion here.

  4. 4.

     For arguments against a frequency-based account of the subject preference, see Fanselow et al. (1999) and Demiral (2007) for German and Turkish, respectively.

  5. 5.

     Note that this argument holds whether the dropped subject is represented syntactically as a phonologically null element (pro; Chomsky 1981) or not (e.g. Van Valin 2005). If a syntactic representation is assumed, the pro representing the null subject could simply be postulated and integrated as soon as the ambiguous argument is analysed as an object, thereby circumventing an additional prediction that must be maintained in working memory.

  6. 6.

    Note that this statement is not contradicted by the finding of animacy-based effects at the position of an initial argument (e.g. Weckerly and Kutas 1999; Kuperberg et al. 2003), since these could be due to lexical differences between animate and inanimate nouns. It is also compatible with the notion that the interpretation of an NP-V fragment is influenced by the animacy of the argument (e.g. Kuperberg et al. 2003; Kim and Osterhout 2005; see also Lamers and de Hoop 2005; Lamers 2007), as discussed, for example, in Bornkessel-Schlesewsky and Schlesewsky (2008a). Rather, the crucial claim here is that there is no evidence to date that the inanimacy of an initial argument leads the processing system to adopt an Undergoer reading before the next constituent is encountered.

  7. 7.

    The notion that a more complex structural option can be supported by relational properties of the NPs in stage 2 of comprehension is supported by findings from Japanese (Miyamoto 2002). Miyamoto’s results indicate that a complex (biclausal) structure may be preferred when two arguments are highly similar to one another in terms of the features required for the assignment of [±dep], hence rendering argument hierarchisation too difficult within the same local domain (for discussion, see Bornkessel-Schlesewsky and Schlesewsky 2009a).

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Acknowledgements

This research was performed while L.W. and I.B.-S. were at the Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, Leipzig, Germany. The research reported here was supported by a grant from the German Research Foundation (BO 2471/3–1) and was conducted in collaboration with the Clinic for Audiology and Phoniatry (Prof. Manfred Gross) of the Charité Berlin. We are grateful to Katja Bruening for invaluable assistance in data acquisition.

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Wang, L., Schlesewsky, M., Philipp, M., Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, I. (2012). The Role of Animacy in Online Argument Interpretation in Mandarin Chinese. In: Lamers, M., de Swart, P. (eds) Case, Word Order and Prominence. Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics, vol 40. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1463-2_5

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