Abstract
In Chap. 10 we discussed the long-term changes in basic attitudes to time and certain aspects of time use. A key concept was the rationalization of time use, linked to the increasing experience of a shortage of time, as well as to tempo acceleration and fragmentation. These last two concepts have begun to embrace greater parts of social life, including leisure time and social relationships. At the same time there are signs of an advancing temporal pluralism. Varying social rhythms exist side by side, while the perspective on time and the handling of time differs strongly between different groups.
Chapter written by Paul Fuehrer and Ronny Pettersson.
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Notes
- 1.
For example, in Lundberg, U., Krantz, G. and Berntsson, L., “Total arbetsbörda, stress och muskelbesvär i ett genusperspektiv” (Total workload, stress and muscle problems in a gender perspective), 2003. This 2001 study of fulltime employed women and men in qualified civil servant positions gives at hand that the total work load, meaning both paid and unpaid work, for both genders of this group has grown rather than diminished since 1990. Since women were at a higher level than men even earlier, their total work load is still greater than theirs. Counted in actual hours worked, the work load increase is greatest for unpaid work. The study shows that the total work load and time for household work increases significantly when a number of children still live at home, suggesting that much of the unpaid work is for childcare, including organizing their school and leisure activities (driving, etc.). According to the authors it is probable that this increased work load is an important cause of the stress symptoms experienced and sick leave.
- 2.
See Hörning, K. H., Gerhard, A. and Michailow, M., “Time pioneers”, 1995 and Parkins, W., “Out of time”, 2004.
- 3.
See Øian, H., Arbeidsfri og fritidsløs (Unemployed and without leisure time), 1998 and Øian, H., “Time out and drop out”, 2004.
- 4.
Spurk, J., “Simultaneity within non-simultaneity?”, 2004; also Brose, H.-G., “An introduction towards a culture of non-simultaneity”, 2004.
The concept of non-simulaneity is a not too elegant translation of the German “Ungleichzeitigkeit” used in the 1930s by Ernst Bloch to describe a condition where certain people live in “another time” than their contemporaries since their class has not yet completely been transformed by the capitalistic temporality, that is the capitalistic hegemonic way of understanding and handling time in terms of money and productivity. (See Bloch, E., “Nonsynchronism and the obligation to its dialectics”, 1977 [1932] and Bloch, E., Erbschaft dieser Zeit, 1985 [1935], pp. 111–122) Today the concept is used without its Marxistic links to an economically determined linear development. The focus is more on trying to describe the mix of different social and cultural temporalities.
- 5.
In this discussion Peter Glotz warns for a future culture battle between the ‘accelerators’ and the ‘brakers’, where the former support a fast living style with ideals such as efficiency and technological development, while the latter emphasize the importance of once again integrating humans and their actions with natural rhythms. See Glotz, P., Die beschleunigte Gesellschaft (The accelerated society), 1999.
- 6.
This chapter reports and analyzes data both from Sweden as a whole and more specifically for the Stockholm region.
- 7.
Examples include Åkerman, B., Familjen som växte ur sitt hem (The family that grew too large), 1941; Offe, C. and Heinze, R. G., Beyond employment, 1992 and Gershuny, J. and Fisher, K., “Leisure”, 2000.
- 8.
This development holds for Sweden as well. See our analysis of the change in time use in Stockholm between 1991 and 2000 farther on in this chapter.
- 9.
See Ausubel, J. H. and Grübler, A., “Working less and living longer”, 1995.
- 10.
See Statistics Sweden, Barnens tid med föräldrarna (Children’s time with their parents), 2004a and Socialförsäkringsboken (National insurance book) 2003, 2003, pp. 63f, pp. 73f.
- 11.
See Offe 1992, pp. 36f.
- 12.
Both earlier and current investigations of the perspective and handling of time by unemployed persons shows that many of them value and handle time within this conception of a normal morning-afternoon work day, thus setting a lower value on the free time that unemployment brings. Jahoda, M., Lazarsfeld, P. F. and Zeisel, H., Die Arbeitslosen von Marienthal (Unemployed in Marienthal), 1960 [1933]; Øian 2004 and 1998; Mårtensson, M. and Fuehrer, P., Hushållet och arbetslöshet (The household and unemployment), 2003.
- 13.
Ausubel and Grübler 1995, p. 201.
- 14.
Swedish Government Official Reports, Arbetstiden – internationell jämförelse av arbetstid (Work hours – an international comparison), 2002, p.27; Gershuny, J,. Changing times, 2000, pp. 52ff; plus Ausubel and Grübler 1995, p. 201.
- 15.
Gershuny 2000, pp. 53f.
- 16.
Ibid., pp. 4ff.
- 17.
Ibid., pp. 54ff. for a short presentation of the debate regarding the possible reduction of unpaid household work. See also Chap. 21 concerning the rationalization of the recreational time in households.
- 18.
Statistics Sweden, Tid för vardagsliv (Time for everyday living), 2003, pp. 30ff.
- 19.
Gershuny 2000, pp. 55f, 65ff. The elasticity in household work was described as early as 1937 in Brita Åkerman’s study (See Åkerman 1941, pp. 96ff). Then, as now, it is primarily on an individual level that women increase/decrease their work input in the household dependent on the scope of the paid work. Men who draw down on their paid work time, such as during unemployment, are not as likely as women to increase their household work.
- 20.
Primarily Åkerman (1941) who presents the results of a diary-based survey of everyday life and time use in 210 Stockholm households carried out in 1937 and Boalt, C., (Tid för Hemarbete [Time for work in the home], 1983) who analyses a number of time use studies done in Swedish households between 1937 and 1976. The results of such a comparison must be interpreted very carefully since, due to differences in measurement methods and difficulties in clearly defining certain activities, the results are not directly comparable (See Statistics Sweden 2003, p. 127, and even Boalt 1983, p. 42). A comparison in 2000/2001 is further complicated since Statistics Sweden 2003 only provides information divided by gender, not for everyone.
- 21.
Åkerman 1941, pp. 94–100.
- 22.
Boalt 1983, p. 42, and Åkerman 1941, p. 93. Cleaning and residence care took the most time at 2 h 13 min per day, followed by cooking (1 h 42 min), dish washing (1 h 2min); sewing, mending and darning (55 min); purchasing (45 min); washing (43 min) and baking/preserving (23 min).
- 23.
See Boalt 1983, pp. 59ff.
- 24.
Statistics Sweden 2003, p. 136 (Appendix 5, Table B:1).
- 25.
See Statistics Sweden, I tid och otid (At all times of the day), 1992a, pp. 89ff.; and Swedish Government Official Reports, Fria val? (Free choice?), 1995, p. 45.
- 26.
See Gordon, L. and Koplov, E., Man after work, 1975, pp. 60f.
- 27.
See Harrington, M. and Dawson, D., “Who has it best?”, 1995, pp. 11ff.; as well as the discussion of the temporal welfare concept in Chap. 10.
- 28.
Gershuny and Fisher 2000, p. 626. In this context Gershuny and Fisher brings in Hawrylyshn’s ‘third person criterion’: “Leisure, in this view, is ‘activity that could not be undertaken by someone else without loosing the essential intrinsic benefit accruing from it.’ ” (ibid.); see also Statistics Sweden, Fritid (Leisure time) 1976–2002, 2004b, pp. 21f.
- 29.
Statistics Sweden 2004b, pp. 53ff.
- 30.
Statistics Sweden 2003, pp. 106ff.
- 31.
Ibid.
- 32.
Ibid., p. 105.
- 33.
See Statistics Sweden 2004b, pp. 24f.
- 34.
Reisch, L. A., Time and wealth, 2001, pp. 367–385; See also Parkins 2004.
- 35.
In spite of today’s attempts at effectivization it is naturally hard to increase the number of theatre performances or operas to view during a given period (See Burenstam Linder, S. The
harried leisure class, 1970).
- 36.
See Veblen, T., The theory of the leisure class, 1970 [1899].
- 37.
Stockholm’s H-region. For a definition of H regions see Statistics Sweden, Geography in statistics, 2005.
- 38.
This and the section that follows concerning the development during the 1900s use the results of time use surveys 1990/91 and 2000/01 (See SCB 1992b and SCB 2003). The earlier study was done over a 9-month period (September–May 1991) and the later over 12 months. In the interest of simplicity, the results of these surveys are called ‘time use 1991’ and ‘time use 2001’.
- 39.
Statistics Sweden’s time use studies provide no time use information for the category ‘common’ and is thus the category left out of our survey of information.
- 40.
The data is for 1990/91, Statistics Sweden 1992b, pp. 72f. The data for Greater Stockholm and other H-regions for 2000/2001 are unpublished and have been provided by Statistics Sweden at our request. For a comparison of the studies a subset of the data gather in 2000/01, specifically those for the comparable 9-month period as for 1990/91. The populations compared comprise the residents between the ages of 20–64 living in H-region Greater Stockholm. The data on Statistics Sweden’s time use study 2000/01 and the data on national level can be found in Statistics Sweden 2003.
- 41.
Gershuny 2000, pp. 4ff. In addition there are indications that the total work load and experience of time shortage and stress increases more among higher civil servants than among lower categories and workers. This is especially true for higher civil servants with small children and with both parents working (See Lundberg et al. 2003). A more thorough review of the gender differences regarding time, time use and stress experience is found in Chap. 30. The links between social group affiliation and life phase are also discussed.
- 42.
Swedish Government Official Reports, Fritid i förändring (Changing spare time), Stockholm, 1996, p. 24.
- 43.
Unfortunately these individual variations in time use have a tendency to become invisible when the aggregate data of human time use is studied.
- 44.
Eberling, M. and Henckel, D., Kommunale Zeitpolitik, 1998, pp. 160f.
- 45.
See Hohn, H.-W., Die Zerstörung der Zeit, 1984.
- 46.
Routine activities that occur over a longer time period, such as sleep or earning a living, are easier to estimate in time use studies with some accuracy, since these are most often based on personal time diaries, while regular, short-term activities, such as putting dishes away or brushing teeth, can be more difficult to estimate. Another difficult area includes activities carried out at the same time as other ones. Many routine activities are also elastic, meaning that they are sensitive to the time available (see Statistics Sweden 1992a; Scheuch, E. K., “The Time-budget Interview”, 1972, pp. 71f; and Swedish Consumer Agency, Tiden bara rinner förbi (Time simply passes), 1993.
- 47.
Swedish Consumer Agency 1993, pp. 16ff.
- 48.
Hochschild, A., The time bind, 1997, pp. 198ff, 214ff.
- 49.
A comparison between Statistics Sweden’s results from the Time Use Study 2000/2001, Statistics Sweden 2003, and Statistics Sweden’s Labour Force Studies (AKU) reveals surprising agreement regarding working life, in spite of the fact that the AKU and Time Use Study measure working life and time use in highly varied ways – specific weeks in AKU; randomly chosen days in the Time Use Study, Statistics Sweden 2003, pp. 21ff.
- 50.
Author’s calculations using AKU Average Annual Numbers for 1990, 1991, 2000, 2001. Table 37A in all editions.
- 51.
See Hohn 1984.
- 52.
This tendency for social non-simultaneity is actually reinforced by certain attempts to establish new work hours, such as the 3/3 model that completely ignores the usual division into a 5-day week and a 2-day weekend. See more about the 3/3 model later in this chapter.
- 53.
Carlsson-Kanyama, A., “Changing food consumption patterns”, 1999, pp. 23ff.
- 54.
Gershuny 2000, pp. 7ff.
- 55.
See Lausten, M. och Sjørup, K. Hvad kvinder og mænd bruger tiden till (What women and men use time for), 2003.
- 56.
In our material, life form is more meaningful for explaining the observed differences in perspectives on time and actual time use than social status. Examples include entrepreneurs and higher civil servants work for a living in a much larger extent than other groups. However, it is important to remember that we studied a rather homogenous group when it comes to activity level as our target group was urban households in Greater Stockholm in a very active age category (38–58-years). See also Chap. 30.
- 57.
Some authors feel that this vision is based on a too idealized picture of earlier time use. See for example Glotz 1999.
- 58.
Mückenberger, U. (ed.), Zeiten der Stadt (City time), 2000.
- 59.
Eberling and Henckel 1998, pp. 120–128.
- 60.
Ibid., pp. 67–75.
- 61.
Ibid., pp. 88–103.
- 62.
See www.tretre.se (January 3, 2011) plus Lexén, L. and Svensson, A., Abrakadabra, 2003. An in-depth discussion of an earlier, failed attempt to rationalize the work week following the French Revolution can be studied in Zerubavel, E., “The French Republican Calendar”, 1977.
- 63.
See Zerubavel 1977 and Zerubavel, E., “The standardization of time”, 1982.
- 64.
Lexén och Svensson, 2003.
- 65.
Sanne, C. and Larsson, J., Is avoiding time shortage a feasible drive towards sustainable consumption? 2003.
- 66.
Ibid., p. 10.
- 67.
Ibid., p. 12.
- 68.
Ibid., 2003, pp. 14ff.
- 69.
Ibid., pp. 22ff.
- 70.
Hörning et al. 1995. The team interviewed 36 persons who worked between 20 and 32 h per week (pp. 37–45). The 16 men and 20 women who were interviewed were chosen from among respondents to a newspaper advertisement. The selection was made so as to represent a broad spectrum of ages, occupations and incomes (ibid., p. 41).
- 71.
Ibid., pp. 41f, 122ff.
- 72.
“...time becomes endowed with a quality of its own right which transcends its purely functional character. It becomes de-objectified and exposed, and recognized and developed as a subjective structural principle of life” (Ibid., p. 41).
- 73.
Ibid., pp. 4f.
- 74.
www.cittaslow.net (January 3, 2011).
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Höjer, M., Gullberg, A., Pettersson, R. (2011). Time Use in the Future. In: Images of the Future City. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0653-8_15
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