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The Speculum dominarum (Miroir des dames) and Transformations of the Literature of Instruction for Women in the Early Fourteenth Century

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Virtue Ethics for Women 1250-1500

Part of the book series: The New Synthese Historical Library ((SYNL,volume 69))

Abstract

“In this book, I have endeavoured to compile some healthy words and examples from the Holy Scriptures and books of the saints for the edification and learning of the excellent lady, Jeanne, by the grace of God Queen of France and Navarre, also for the utility of other ladies, so that they may know how to order themselves to God and those things which are godly, how they ought to conduct themselves usefully and prudently in the way she and they govern, and how it is fitting for them to converse with everyone without reproach, and finally by what merits they may deserve to be elevated to the glory of the eternal kingdom.”

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I am indebted to Rina Lahav, Karen Green, and Janice Pinder for discussing many ideas relating to the Miroir.

  2. 2.

    L. Delisle “Notice sur deux livres ayant appartenu au roi Charles V,” Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale, vol. 31, no. 2 (Paris, 1884), pp. 1–31; “Durand de Champagne, franciscain,” in Histoire littéraire de la France 30 (Paris, 1888), pp. 302–333; Catherine Louise Mastny, “Durand of Champagne and the ‘Mirror of the Queen’: A Study in Medieval Didactic Literature,” PhD dissertation, Columbia University 1969; Anne Dubrulle, “Le Speculum Dominarum de Durand de Champagne,” 2 vols. Thèse presentée pour l’obtention du diploma d’archiviste-paléographe, Ecole nationale des chartes, 19871988. I am indebted to Mme Anne Flottes (née Dubrulle) for permission to consult her thesis.

  3. 3.

    Ed. Camillo Marazza, Ysambert de Saint-Léger, Le Miroir des dames: Manuscrit français 1189 de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris (Lecce: Milella, 1978).

  4. 4.

    On the date of the Miroir, see note 44 below.

  5. 5.

    Marguerite (1288–94), Louis X (1289–1316), Blanche (1290–94), Philip V (1292/93–1322), Charles IV (1294–1328), Isabelle (1295–1358), Robert (1297–1308).

  6. 6.

    Joseph R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 300–313. For fuller detail, see Abel Rigault, Le procès de Guichard, évêque de Troyes (1308–1313) (Paris: Picard, 1896), pp. 25–26 on these early conflicts with Jeanne, as also pp. 31, 162, 194, 200, 211, 223, 298. Rigault reprints (pp. 228–229) part of a poem describing widespread grief at Jeanne’s death and suspicions made about Guichard, Chronique rimé attribué à Geoffroi de Paris, vv. 2959–2998; Mastny (pp. 60–61) quotes from Archives nationales, J 438 Roll 6 II 17, 22, 26, in which Durand speaks against Guichard.

  7. 7.

    Mastny, p. 61, refers to Archives nationales, J 488 nos. 595–96 on Franciscans who supported Philip IV.

  8. 8.

    Xavier de La Selle, “La confession et l’aumône: confesseurs et aumôniers des rois de France du XIIIe au XVe siècle,” Journal des Savants (1993), pp. 255–286, here pp. 261–265; and Le Service des âmes à la cour: Confesseurs et aumôniers des rois de France du XIII e au XV e siècle (Paris: Ecole nationale des chartes, 1995). Georges Minois notes how Louis IX maintained a balance between Dominicans and Franciscans, but notes how Franciscans slipped away from royal service by 1300, apart from as confessors to the Queen, Le confesseur du roi: Les directeurs de conscience sous la monarchie française (Paris: Fayard, 1988), pp. 164–168. Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), p. 49 and p. 198 n. 51, notes that Marguerite de Provence had a confessor at court by 1255, though when she engaged Guillaume of Saint-Pathus (also confessor to Blanche, daughter of Louis IX) and Jean of Mons (possibly also confessor to Louis IX and his daughter, Isabelle) is not certain.

  9. 9.

    Field, Isabelle of France, pp. 116–117.

  10. 10.

    Strayer refers to this episode without mentioning Jeanne de Navarre, The Reign of Philip the Fair, p. 1465; Mastny, pp. 65–70, was dependent on the account, originally published in 1868 and again in 1877, of Barthélemy Hauréau, Bernard Délicieux et l’Inquisition albigeoise (1300–1320), ed. Jean Duvernoy [with translation of certain of the key texts] (Portet-sur-Garonne: Loubatières, 1992). See now the full edition of the trial records, Processus Bernardi Delitiosi: The Trial of Fr. Bernard Délicieux, 3 September – 8 December 1319, ed. Alan Friedlander (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1996), especially p. 116; and Alan Friedlander’s study, The Hammer of the Inquisitors: Brother Bernard Délicieux and the Struggle against the Inquisition in Fourteenth-Century France (Leiden: Brill, 2000), especially pp. 200 and 224.

  11. 11.

    Processus, ed. Friedlander, p. 276: “Item dixit quod ipse audivit dictum fratrem Bernardum praedicantem publice apud Castras et Albiam et Corduam quando dominus rex Franciae debuit venire ad terram istam et post publicationem appellationis et quarumdam literarum vicedomini quae dirigebantur consulatibus huius terrae, dicentem in dictis sermonibus inter caetera, prout recordatur, quod dominus rex veniebat ad terram istam ad instigatum et preces dominae reginae, quae tanquam regina Hester intercesserat pro populo huius terrae, et quod dictus dominus rex palparet veritatem negotii inquisitionis et quod de ipso negotio taliter ordinaret vel faceret ordinari quod negotium ipsum non dubitari ulterius sine culpa. Et ista audivit, ut supra deposuit, sub anno domini millesimo trecentisimo secundo vel tertio, de diebus tamen et de horis dixit se non recordari. Tenor vero literarum de quibus superius facta est mentio inferius est insertus” (emphasis added). The letter, from Jean de Pecquigny to the citizens of Toulouse, is given on pp. 281–282. See Elizabeth A. Brown, “The Prince is Father of the King: the Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France,” Mediaeval Studies 49 (1987), pp. 282–334, especially here pp. 304–5 reprinted in Brown, The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate, 1991).

  12. 12.

    The letter is edited by Claude de Vic and J.-J. Vaissète, Histoire générale de Languedoc, ed. Auguste Molinier (Toulouse 1872–1904; reprinted Nîmes: Lacour, 19931994); X, p. 419: “anchora et prima fiducia nostre spei”; cited by Friedlander, Hammer, p. 101, and in Processus, p. 37.

  13. 13.

    Processus, ed. Friedlander, p. 276: “[…] dixit se audivisse a pluribus, de quibus dixit se non recordari, et famam esse et fuisse apud Albiam, quod dictus frater Bernardus una cum fratre Joanne Hectore de ordine fratrum Minorum informasse dominam Joannam reginam Franciae contra dictum episcopum et inquisitores, mediante fratre Duranto confessore dictae dominae reginae.”

  14. 14.

    Processus, ed. Friedlander, p. 277: “[…] quod vidit dictum fratrem Bernardum in Francia cum uxoribus condemnatorum et quod erat fama publica quod ipso tractante dictae mulieres iverant Parisius ad dominum regem et assistente dictis mulieribus et consilium et auxilium praebente.”

  15. 15.

    Processus, ed. Friedlander, p. 124; Hauréau, pp. 73–74, 80–81.

  16. 16.

    Processus, ed. Friedlander, pp. 125, 266–267; Friedlander, Hammer of the Inquisitors, pp. 220–221, 224–225.

  17. 17.

    Friedlander, Hammer of the Inquisitors, pp. 91–92, referring to discussion of his career by Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de Marigny, Mémoires et documents publiés par l’Ecole des Chartes, 15 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963).

  18. 18.

    Quoted by Brown, “The Prince is Father of the King,” p. 306 n. 84, from a continuation to the chronicle of William of St-Denis: “Regina francie Johanna […] et contra uotum mariti sui regis francie […] sepeliri disposuerat confessoris sui monitu qui frater minor erat litteris furtiuis ut dicitur eligens seputuram etiam post ultimam unctionem Parisius in fratrum minorum Monasterio sepelitur.”

  19. 19.

    Mastny, p. 59 notes that Durand is first mentioned as executor to the will of Philip of Artois, cousin of Jeanne de Navarre in 1298; she (p. 70) notes that Durand is mentioned in the testament of Jeanne de Navarre: 1 April 1304, BNF MS fr. 140 de Brienne, fol. 89v; and 25 March 1305 (Paris BNF fr. 24978, fol. 175r).

  20. 20.

    Mastny, p. 71, quoting Robert Fawtier, Registres du Trésor des chartes, 1: Regne de Philippe le Bel (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1958), p. 148, no. 832.

  21. 21.

    Mastny, pp. 54–55 reporting the Summa collectionum pro confessionis audiendis (in Paris BNF lat. 3264 and lat. 16891); she quotes this passage from BNF lat. 6784, fol. 38, and lat. 3264, fol. 23.

  22. 22.

    Robert’s sermon is edited and translated within Les deux vies de Robert d’Arbrissel, fondateur de Fontevraud: Légendes, écrits et témoignages, ed. Jacques Dalarun, Geneviève Giordanego, Armelle L. Huërou, Jean Longère, Dominique Poirel, and Bruce L. Venarde (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), pp. 460–469.

  23. 23.

    A cluster of short letters to religious and noble women are preserved as Epp. 113–121, Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. Jean Leclercq (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses), vol. 7, pp. 287–302.

  24. 24.

    Sean L. Field, “Reflecting the Royal Soul: the Speculum anime Composed for Blanche of Castile,” Mediaeval Studies 68 (2006), pp. 1–42; and “From Speculum anime to Miroir de l’Ame: The Origins of Vernacular Advice Literature at the Capetian Court,” Mediaeval Studies 69 (2007), pp. 59–110. The Meditationes are printed among the works of St Bernard, PL 184, cols. 485–508. See also Histoire littéraire de la France 30 (1888), pp. 325–329.

  25. 25.

    Speculum animae, pp. 10–11, 21, ed. Field (2006), pp. 30, 36.

  26. 26.

    Richard H. Rouse and Mary Rouse, “Illiterati et uxorati”; Manuscripts and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris 1200–1500 (London and Turnhout: Harvey Miller, 2000), vol. 1, pp. 145–171.

  27. 27.

    British Library Add. 28162, 39843; Rouse and Rouse, 1: pp. 155–156. See Jan Pinder, in this volume.

  28. 28.

    De eruditione filiorum nobilium, ed. Arpad Steiner (Cambridge, Mass., 1938).

  29. 29.

    De eruditione filiorum nobilium, cc. 42–51; a fourteenth-century translation of one of these chapters (Paris, BNF fr. 9683) by Jean Daudin, edited by Frederique Hamm, is quoted by M. Paulmier-Foucart and M.-C. Duchenne, Vincent de Beauvais et le Grand Miroir du monde (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 140–145.

  30. 30.

    Rosemary Barton Tobin, Vincent of Beauvais’ “De eruditione filiorum nobilium”: The Education of Women (New York: P. Lang, 1984), pp. 143–144. Joseph M. McCarthy comments on the traditional aspect of his writings about women, Humanistic Emphases in the Educational Thought of Vincent of Beauvais (Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp. 131–142.

  31. 31.

    Vincent of Beauvais, De morali principis institutione, ed. Robert J. Schneider, CCCM 137 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995).

  32. 32.

    Summa theologiae I, q. 92, art. 1, ad 2.

  33. 33.

    Agnes of Harcourt, ed. Sean L. Field, The Writings of Agnes of Harcourt: The Life of Isabelle of France and the Letter on Louis IX and Longchamp (Notre-Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003), pp. 60–64. This St Isabelle is not to be confused with Jeanne de Navarre’s daughter.

  34. 34.

    Thomas of Cantimpré, Bonum universale de apibus II.29, quoted by Field, Isabelle of France, pp. 44–45 and p. 196 n. 33.

  35. 35.

    Field, Isabelle of France, pp. 110–112.

  36. 36.

    The story of Isabelle’s foundation of Longchamp was told by Agnes of Harcourt, her former lady in waiting, edited and translated by Sean L. Field, The Writings of Agnes of Harcourt: The Life of Isabelle of France and the Letter on Louis IX and Longchamp (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003); Field discusses the significance of Isabelle’s efforts in fighting to be identified as sorores minores in Isabelle of France, pp. 100–101.

  37. 37.

    Sean L. Field, “Gilbert of Tournai’s Letter to Isabelle of France: An Edition of the Complete Letter,” Mediaeval Studies 65 (2003), pp. 57–97; see also A. De Poorter, “Lettre de Guibert de Tournai, OFM à Isabelle, fille du Roi de France,” Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 12 (1931), pp. 116–127.

  38. 38.

    A. De Poorter, “Un traité de pédagogie médiévale, le De modo addiscendi de Guibert de Tournai OFM,” Revue néo-scholastique de philosophie 24 (1922), pp. 195–228; Servus Gieben, “Guibert de Tournai et Robert Grosseteste: Sources inconnues de la doctrine de l’illumination, suivi de l’édition critique de trois chapitres du Rudimentum doctrinae de Guibert de Tournai,” in S. Bonaventura, 1274–1874, vol. 2 (Rome: Grottaferrata, 1973), pp. 627–654; Guibert de Tournai, Le traité “Eruditio regum et principum” de Guibert de Tournai OFM, ed. A. De Poorter, Les philosophes belges, 9 (Louvain: Institut Supérieur de Philosophie, 1914).

  39. 39.

    A sample of these sermons is edited by Carla Casagrande, in Prediche alle donne del secolo XIII: Testi di Umberto da Romans, Gilberto da Tournai, Stefano di Borbone (Milan: Bompiani, 1978), pp. 93–112 (with Italian translation preceding, pp. 63–92). They are taken from the Rudimentum doctrinae II.vii (Milan, Ambrosiana F 57 Sup.), edited in Lyons 1475, Louvain 1481, Lyons 1511, Paris 1513, Venice 1603.

  40. 40.

    Dubrulle identified the influence of the Speculum morale: prefatory material, pp. 84–85.

  41. 41.

    Speculum morale, printed within Vincent of Beauvais, Bibliotheca mundi seu Speculi maioris Vincentii Burgundi praesulis Bellovacensis, edited by the Benedictines of Douai, vol. 3 (Douai: Baltazar Beller, 1624; reprinted Graz: Akademische Druk, 1964). See the discussion by Jacques Echard in his revision of Jacques Quétif, Scriptores ordinis praedicatorum (Paris, 1719), vol. 1, pp. 213–236, in which he draws on his earlier study, Sancti Thomae summa suo auctori vindicata sive de V.F. Vincentii Bellovacensis scriptis dissertatio (Paris, 1708).

  42. 42.

    Bonnie Kent, Virtues of the Will: The Transformation of Ethics in the Late Thirteenth Century (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1995), pp. 246–254.

  43. 43.

    Mary d’Oignies is mentioned in Speculum morale III.x.39, 1556E–1558B. Echard observes these Franciscan exempla in Scriptores, pp. 229–231; see for example Speculum morale III.i.6–10, 887E, 888C, 890A, 892E, 900E, 903C; III.iii.2, 1001A, 1004A; III.ix.3 1382E; III.x.24–34, 1486E, 1521C, 1537A.

  44. 44.

    Echard (p. 228) argued that the Speculum morale might have been written only in the 1320s, without knowledge of the Speculum dominarum. Serge Lusignan, Préface au Speculum majus de Vincent de Beauvais: Refraction et diffraction (Cahiers d’études médiévales, 5, Montreal, 1979), pp. 76–80, suggested that its compilation could have started in the 1290s. M. Paulmier-Foucart and M.-C. Duchenne, Vincent de Beauvais et le Grand Miroir du monde (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 115–116. Speculum morale II.ii.2, 765CD: “Denique nuper diebus istis etiam Christiani nostri […] vel in fugam conversi sunt. De terra sanctae promisionis […] turpissime sunt eiecti.” III.iii.1, 992C: “Hoc idem faciebat beatissimus Ludovicus.”

  45. 45.

    Dubrulle, p. 12, identifies eleven of these MSS (not O); Mastny, pp. 183–185, identifies eleven (not S).

  46. 46.

    Montague Rhodes James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College Cambridge (Cambridge, 1911), vol. 2.1, pp. 411–412.

  47. 47.

    Peter Rolfe Monks, “Wolfenbüttel, Cod. Guelf. 32.6 Augusteus 2o: the master of Marie de Gaucourt and the Iconography of the Miroir des dames,” in Wolfenbütteler Beiträge: Aus den Schatzen der Herzog August Bibliothek, ed. Helwig Schmitz-Glintzer, vol. 11 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998), pp. 17–51. This excellent study also comments on the iconography in other manuscripts (sigla BCLNRPY). I am grateful to Jeff Richards for drawing it to my attention.

  48. 48.

    Mastny, p. 126, quoting the inventories of 1373 (BNF fr. 2700, art. 90), of 1411 (BNF fr. 2700, fol. 60 art. 90) and 1413 (BNF fr. 9430, art. 88).

  49. 49.

    Mastny acknowledges that the author and translator might be the same person, pp. 123–127, the position defended by Dubrulle, p. 11.

  50. 50.

    Léopold Delisle, “Testament de Blanche de Navarre, reine de France”, Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Île de France 12 (1885), pp. 1–63, item 310.

  51. 51.

    Laborde, Les ducs de Bourgogne (Paris: 1840–1853), vol. 3, p. 239.

  52. 52.

    Pierre Champion, La librairie de Charles d’Orléans (1910; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1975), p. 74: “Item, Le livre du Myroir des dames, escript à la main, en parchemin et en latin, couvert de cuyr rouge”; Pierre Jourda, Marguerite d’Angoulême (Paris: Henri Champion 1930), vol. 1, p. 21.

  53. 53.

    Dubrulle, p. 11.

  54. 54.

    Dubrulle, pp. 17–31.

  55. 55.

    Miroir C, fol. 2rb: “Et pour ce que le sage roy salomon dit, que la ou il n’y a science qui apartient a lame, il n’y a nul bien, pourtant, tres excellent dame, madame Jehanne Royne de France et de Navarre, considerans que tout ainsi que la pierre precieuse assise en fin or est tres belle et tres replendissent, tout aussi est il de vertu et de science assise en ame de noble et haute personne comme sont roys, roynes, princes, princesses.”

  56. 56.

    Miroir C, fol. 2va: “Lequel livret puet estre apele le mireour des dames: afin que elle sache voaier et considerer comment, toute tache ostee de sa conscience, puisse estre bien ordonnee a dieu et a ce que a li apartient. Et comment ou gouvernement de sa personne, de son ostel, et de ses soubgiez elle se doit avoir. Et comment avec tous sens nule reprehension doit honestement converser. Et apres par quels merites puisse venir a pardurable gloire et sens fin avec le souverain roy regner.”

  57. 57.

    Bonaventure, Collationes de septem donis Spiritus Sancti, 6.7, Opera Omnia, 5 (Grottaferrata: Collegium S. Bonaventura, 1891), pp. 457–503.

  58. 58.

    Dubrulle, pp. 21–31.

  59. 59.

    Miroir C, fol. 3ra: “par plus sont homme et femme createurs dignement faites crees et formee a lymage et a la semblence de la benotre trinite pour sa conservacion paiz et repos se doit pourveour de maison bonne seure et convenable pour y demorer et reposer.”

  60. 60.

    For example Speculum dominarum I.1.4–7, ed. Dubrulle, pp. 7–8.

  61. 61.

    Miroir C, fol. 7ra: “Or pense donc prince et princesse, Roy et royne la maniere et la condition de ta nativite quar entre en ce monde doulenz et tutes, poures, feibles et non-sachens.”

  62. 62.

    Miroir C, fol. 19vb: “Et ce seuent par experience sensible aucunes qui ont mariz mout divers et deguisiez qui leur meinnent mout male vie.”

  63. 63.

    Miroir C, fols. 19vb–20ra: “Et ainsi par toutes les choses dessus dictes il apert clerement la grandeur de (20ra) la vilte et de la misere de condicion humeinne quar homme et femme de vil matiere formez de plus vil est conceuz, et de tres horde ou corps de la mere norriz.”

  64. 64.

    Miroir C, fol. 20vb: “A ceste fin quelle face a son estat loneur, et non pas lestat a li, quar autrement ce seroit metre la charue devant les bues.”

  65. 65.

    Miroir C, fols. 24va–25ra: “xxvi De Ysaac le patriarche est il escript en Genesi que il sema en la terre de sa peregrinacion qui estoit apelee Gerara et celle annee il cuilli a cent doubles. Les autres viennent a lancontre des roys et roynes pour iustice requerir et demander. Si comme sont ceus qui font grever travaillier oppresser et domachier. Du roy david il est escript ou premier livre des roys, que a lis assemblerent touz ceuz qui estoit en angoisse et mechief et oppresse et greve et domagie, et il fu leurs princes. Mais la chose en nostre temps est bertournee, qua les bonnes genz qui sont domachiez, ou il ne peueent a la court du roy de la royne et des granz seigneurs et dames venir pour avoir iustice. Ou se il y viennent, il sont lonteusement lors bote, et aucunes forz bien batu et vileue. Et autant souvent que pour ce que il ne pueent estre oy ne avoir aces a la court que il ont tant de mechief tant despens de peinnes et de labeurs en pursuivant et tant dangoisse, que il ont plus chier domaches, iniures oppressions a tres grant desolation de cuer endurer et soustenir, que senz esperance de iustice avoir, en poursuuivant la court tant de grief et de mechief soufrir. Et briefment il aiment miex perdre le tout, que estre si traveilliez.”

  66. 66.

    Miroir C, fols. 25va–vb: “Et sont autres, qui seulement viennent audevant de la royne pour li honorer de quier les aucuns reverement la salient, et par le chemin li present dons preceux. Et qui plus se tiennent pour honorer. Ce doit mout tel dame que elle qui si singulierement est honoree, soit non digne de tel honeur.”

  67. 67.

    Dubrulle, pp. 25–28.

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Mews, C.J. (2011). The Speculum dominarum (Miroir des dames) and Transformations of the Literature of Instruction for Women in the Early Fourteenth Century. In: Green, K., Mews, C. (eds) Virtue Ethics for Women 1250-1500. The New Synthese Historical Library, vol 69. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0529-6_2

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