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The New Climate Change Discourse: A Challenge for Environmental Sociology

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Abstract

The chapter gives an analysis of the shifting social discourse on climate change in Germany and the U.S. Climate Change Discourses (CCD) are defined as thematically focused coupled sequences of arguments that different social actors use in order to influence one another or their social contexts in order to improve the chances of their resource endowments, interests, and worldviews to prevail in collective decision making processes. The major change in the recent CCD is seen as a shift from a framework of understanding the Earth System to a framework of decision making under uncertainties. The traditional (and in part ideological) opposition of mitigation and adaptation policies will have give way to an optimal mix of both. The chapter gives empirical evidence for that analysis from mass media coverage, public opinion, policy making, and the business sector. This shift occurs currently more markedly in Germany than in the U.S., will probably catch up across the Atlantic soon. The final section sketches the outlines of a low-carbon society and discusses some major challenges to environmental sociology such as more systemic views, active engagement in IPCC’s working group III, risk analysis of climate solutions, critical assessments of socio-technical experiments.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Keller (2005) offers an enlightening discussion of the sociological and philosophical backgrounds of modern discourse analysis, and gives some applications to debates about environmental risk. Stamou and Paraskevopoulos (2004) have analyzed images of nature in the nature tourism sector. Ereaut and Segnit (2006) have analyzed the recent British CCD in an interesting manner, but narrowed down ‘discourse’ to mass media coverage. Viehöver (2003) has also looked at the (‘old’) climate discourse, but in a broader way. Discourse analysis can highlight the embedded and contextual nature of global environmental issues, and the “constitutive role of discourses” in shaping identities and attitudes (Macnaghten and Urry 1998).

  2. 2.

    This is why they usually appear in quotation marks.

  3. 3.

    The global average increase in concern for global warming was 9% (from 7 to 16). In Germany, this indicator increased from 7 to 19, in the U.S. from 6 to 13, in Italy from 3 to 17, and in France from 27 to 32.

  4. 4.

    As weather is a more stochastically characterized system – in contrast to the more deterministically characterized climate system – direct inference from single weather extremes to climate change does not hold. However, if weather extremes display a tendency (such as an increase in heat waves of storm intensity) one can even statistically relate it to climate change.

  5. 5.

    The environmental ministry is actually headed by a Social Democrat (Sigmar Gabriel). The Social Democratic Party (SPD) has come under pressure from the Left party (as a merger from former Democratic Socialists from the East, and left-wing Social Democrats from the West), and ‘social justice’ – which used to be a ancient SPD issue – has now become a contested political area. It seems as if environmental justice – an U.S. issue mainly related to the allocation of environmental bads to minority groups – is now emerging in the German context, and with new meanings (Schlüns 2007).

  6. 6.

    This became clear during the 2007 G8 summit at Heiligendamm, where climate change was a major issue. She installed a small climate advisory group directly linked to her Chancellor office. And she publicly communicated the scientifically based idea of ‘global carbon justice’, i.e. the target of 2 t of GHG emissions per person in 2050, regardless where that person lives.

  7. 7.

    There is a parallel, but less ambitious goal at the European Union level. The German climate policy package is termed after a castle north of Berlin where a government conference first decided about the outlines of the program. Important parts of the program had taken all political hurdles early in 2008. Others are subject to negotiations, e.g., those relating to car fleet emissions.

  8. 8.

    The total net investment sum of the German economy in 2005 was about €70 billion. Germany’s net investment rate since the early 1990s has been very low compared to international standards.

  9. 9.

    The carbon footprint includes six greenhouse gases. The use phase will not be assessed, as it resides with the consumer’s behavior. In 2007, the British Carbon Trust had launched a CO2 label, and Tesco, Britain’s largest retailer, followed suit.

  10. 10.

    At the press conferences, IPCC scientists – and especially Randra Pachauri, IPCC’s chair – did take the opportunity to take one step away from the official and rather neutral language of the report, and acted as interpreters of their own results. This has led some critical observers to conclude that IPCC was supporting alarmism (Hulme 2006). A more thorough interpretation of the latest trends in the scientific CCD, however, reveals that an alarming language is consistent with recent findings and inherent uncertainties (Risbey 2008, cf. Walker and King 2008).

  11. 11.

    Egner (2007) uses a Luhman approach and argues that the first (necessary) condition would also be a sufficient one. Her analysis suffers not only from the empirical weaknesses of Luhmann’s ‘thin descriptions’ of the modern economy (for a better one see Beckert 2007). It also ignores that climate economists preceding Stern‘s Review did conclude exactly the opposite. Climate protection was assumed to be too expensive (Nordhaus 2007).

  12. 12.

    The economic ‘think tank’ of Germany’s Deutsche Bank has identified winner and loser branches of both climate change and climate policy. The renewable energy as well as the construction sector are evaluated as ‘double winners’, while the fossil energy or the traffic sector are seen as ‘double losers’ (DB Research 2007).

  13. 13.

    The European summer heat wave of 2003 has led to about 70,000 additional deaths. It can be demonstrated statistically that it is much more plausible to assume that this singular weather extreme event has been a consequence of anthropogenic climate change than to assume that it was a ‘normal accident’ under the historic climate regime (Beniston and Diaz 2004).

  14. 14.

    It is worth noting that the GMT difference between the 1960–1990 climate and the last ice age was about 4–6°C – only in the other direction. Relatively small average temperature changes mask major changes in the state of the Earth System.

  15. 15.

    The claim that big and growing developing countries like India and China would have to enter a binding agreement on emissions reductions, for example, is a reasonable one. Nevertheless the Bush administration lost its credibility to developing countries due to its unwillingness to accept such obligations, and to start reducing immediately, according to a contraction-and-convergence regime.

  16. 16.

    Again, I am aware of the stylized character of this distinction, which does not fully do justice to the complexity of thoughts than many colleagues share. Most characterizations only apply to the work of environmental sociologists in the developed world. However, we as sociologists must not complain if one of our methodological battle horses – Max Weber’s concept of ideal types – is used in order to describe our own work. It simply is a social fact on top of all the others known. Given the stylized character of my distinction, I will by and large refrain from giving references.

  17. 17.

    If economic stylizations lead the way, quantitatively oriented environmental sociology can also follow the rational actor paradigm.

  18. 18.

    The fate of bio-fuels in the public discourse in Germany in 2008 is a good example here. For quite a long time, bio-fuels have been regarded by many experts, corporations, and policymakers as the ‘silver bullet’ with regard to climate neutral mobility. A particularly attractive aspect of bio-fuels has been their rather close technological fit to existing internal combustion engines. However, as many scientists had warned, non-sustainable use of bio-fuels (e.g., in terms of competition for land originally dedicated to food or biodiversity conservation purposes) is well possible, did occur, and was vividly debated in the mass media. As a consequence, the German government had to postpone (if not abandon) its bio-fuel strategy. Another example would be the side-effects of wind power plants, or their vulnerability in case of climate change induced increase in European winter storms.

  19. 19.

    The so-called New Economic Sociology offers some very promising theoretical concepts and empirical studies that environmental sociologists should definitely capitalize on.

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Reusswig, F. (2010). The New Climate Change Discourse: A Challenge for Environmental Sociology. In: Gross, M., Heinrichs, H. (eds) Environmental Sociology. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8730-0_3

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