Abstract
The fact is that debate about explanation and understanding in science, and the related debate about relations between Naturwissenschaften and Geisteswissenschaften, was a German-language debate conducted in German philosophical terms. There was no late nineteenth-century English-language argument about the same matters. There is no direct comparison to make, unless, that is, we were to take an essentialist view of philosophical questions and, as a result, look for what English-language writers missed, transformed into local idiom or substituted for the issues of substance rightly formulated by German-language philosophers and wrongly ignored by British ones. By contrast, if we take our cue from what Uljana Feest, in her introduction, refers to as ‘the thicket’ of issues and debates in the late nineteenth century, rather than from imagining that there was one debate, possibilities for comparison open up.
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Notes
- 1.
The Oxford English Dictionary (completed 1928) described naturalism as ‘a view of the world, and of man’s relation to it, in which only the operation of natural (as opposed to supernatural of spiritual) laws and forces is admitted or assumed’ (The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary (1979, 1,899)). The variety of meanings of ‘naturalism’ were recognised in the late nineteenth century: Andrew Seth, ‘Note A. The use of the word “naturalism”’ (Seth 1897, 289-303).
- 2.
- 3.
Huxley, ‘Prologue’ (Huxley 1892b, 35), portrayed ‘the principle of the scientific Naturalism of the latter half of the nineteenth century’ as the culmination of the Scientific Revolution. In the title of his 1892 book, Huxley (1892) referred to ‘controverted questions’; he had in mind ‘naturalism’ versus ‘supernaturalism’. Also, Paradis (1978, 178-180) and, more widely, Turner 1974).
- 4.
I use ‘idealist’ consistently to name metaphysical positions, in contrast to the ‘idealism’ which denotes commitment to ideals.
- 5.
For the argument that just this kind of characterisation of Englishness created a stereotype at the end of the nineteenth century, see Colls and Dodd (1986). Ignorance of philosophy was Perry Anderson’s accusation in his much cited Left critique: (Anderson [1968] 1992).
For the questionable standing of ‘the intellectual’ in Britain, see Collini (2006).
- 6.
For Mill’s involvement with argument about cultural values, which he saw as the argument between ‘experience’ and ‘intuitionism’, see Rothblatt (1968, Chapter 3).
- 7.
For shifting positions on what we would call ethics, see Schneewind (1977, Part I). Mill himself actually excluded ethics from the sciences on the grounds that it is a practical discipline.
- 8.
Naturalism, as a set of claims about the world, and empiricism, as an epistemology, were often but not necessarily associated. It is appropriate for the philosopher F. H. Bradley to be discussed in a separate paper, by Christopher Pincock, in this volume. Bradley’s position combined idealism 8 (continued) (supported by philosophical argument) with his own interpretation of naturalism (preserving the autonomy of scientific knowledge, including history and psychology, freed of metaphysical intentions). Bradley’s severe, intensely philosophical and original writings make him difficult to fit into any generalisation - except as disproof of the supposed ineptness of the English for philosophy. His contributions were a sign of the increasingly academic context of philosophical work, and it is notable that the writers for a wider audience, with whom this paper is largely concerned, rarely cited him. In later life, Bradley actually became a recluse.
- 9.
For an assessment of Buckle’s lack of influence in Britain, see Stephen (1880).
- 10.
There is a large literature on the Victorian relations of science and religion; for an introduction, see Brooke (1991, Chapters 7 and 8). An expansion of the present paper would have to go into the place of theology in classifications of science and knowledge and not just only into the place of Christian belief.
- 11.
- 12.
The peculiarity of conflating ‘natural science’ and ‘science’ has not been adequately explored, yet it lies at the heart of the subsequent debates about the relations among different forms of knowledge. See Ross (1962). For exemplification of the argument that historians should replace studies of relations between forms of knowledge by studies of construction of the identity of individuals and communities, see White (2003).
- 13.
The critic John Ruskin, on similar grounds, was a vehement opponent of the restricted meaning of the word ‘science’; see Ross (1962, 70f.).
- 14.
Lord Reay was also President of the Royal Asiatic Society.
- 15.
I have not found a considered historical study of these questions.
- 16.
Historians once assumed that precisely this consensus did not survive the Great War. But it can be argued that a belief in common biological and moral progress survived much longer in Britain. See, e.g., Smith (2003).
- 17.
Compare Hawthorne ([1976] 1987, 170): ‘Sociology was virtually absent in England as an intellectually and academically distinctive pursuit because it was virtually everywhere present as part of the general liberal and liberal-socialist consensus.’
- 18.
- 19.
The quotation is from the editors’ introduction to The Cambridge Modern History, using words taken from Acton’s ‘Letter to the contributors to the Cambridge Modern History’ (of which an extract is reprinted in Stern ([1956] 1973, 247-249).
This study of ‘modern’ history began with the Renaissance; the chairs in the field, however, at both Cambridge and Oxford, dated modern history from the fall of the Roman Empire, reflecting the academic roots of history in Classics.
- 20.
Kenyon (1983, 175) himself simply dismissed historians’ claims to ‘scientific pretensions’.
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
For Froude, see Burrow (1981, Part IV).
- 24.
I have attempted to develop an extended account of the relation between ‘the moral sciences’ and the more recent conception of ‘the human sciences’, and to relate both to the natural sciences, in Smith (2007).
- 25.
Henry Sidgwick’s studies of ethics made the formal statement of the distinction familiar; see Schneewind (1977). Sidgwick was Knightsbridge Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Cambridge.
- 26.
- 27.
As Ward noted, this book was an extended version of the already long article he had written on ‘Psychology’ for the Encyclopaedia Britannica in the 1880s (Ward 1886).
- 28.
Stout also maintained that the ideal form of psychological knowledge would take a ‘genetic’, that is, a developmental, viewpoint, but he eschewed this as inappropriate for his textbook.
- 29.
I do not mean to deny the contribution of those like Darwin, followed by G. J. Romanes, and also of Spencer and the physiologists who extended the sensory-motor analysis of the nervous system to the functions of the brain, all of whom suggested an evolutionary approach to mind based on the study of elementary functions. See Richards (1987); Young (1970).
- 30.
For Ward’s troubled reactions to naturalism, see Turner (1974, Chapter 8). Ward and Stout attempted to focus psychological analysis on ‘activity’, and in this context Bradley’s work was important. Herbart, Lotze and Brentano were significant German influences.
- 31.
This James attempted to resolve through his philosophy of pure experience; see Myers (1986).
- 32.
For James’s highly personal involvement with the status of scientific knowledge, see David Leary’s contribution to this volume.
- 33.
- 34.
Earlier, translations, as well as the late writings in English, of Cassirer had had importance in this way.
- 35.
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Smith, R. (2010). British Thought on the Relations Between the Natural Sciences and the Humanities, c. 1870–1910. In: Feest, U. (eds) Historical Perspectives on Erklären and Verstehen. Archimedes, vol 21. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3540-0_9
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