Abstract
This paper discusses Ireland’s national apprenticeship programme, introduced in 1993, in the context of the country’s evolving economic and social policies. While apprenticeships existed in Ireland since the time of British rule (along classical pre-modern craft lines and later in accordance with modern industrial practices) a well-functioning, nation-wide and regulated programme only became a reality in 1993. What made the difference in 1993 was the emergence of a new climate of cooperation among the social partners that provided the institutional foundations for the implementation of a regulated and well-functioning programme. This cooperation was a result of the 1991 ground-breaking ‘social partnership’ agreement between employers, trade unions and government in signing up to a joint national framework Programme for Economic and Social Progress (PESP), covering a wide array of economic, and social objectives, including apprenticeship. PESP created the climate for the main actors to work together institutionally in bringing a nation-wide apprenticeship programme into being. In acknowledging the success of the apprenticeship programme, the paper concludes by asking if this success can be built on further through expanding apprenticeships and improving the quality of ‘on-the-job’ apprenticeship-type learning.
The author is grateful for comments by Anna Kelly, Ray Kelly and John Dolan of FAS. However, the author takes full responsibility for the views expressed and any inaccuracies in the paper.
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Notes
- 1.
The practice of apprenticeship has a long history with origins in the craft guild system of medieval times. This entailed young people being inducted into a guild of highly skilled and respected craftspeople (what Lave and Wenger (1991), would call a ‘community of practice’) to learn the practice of that guild through working closely with and learning from a master over a period of years. They learned skills but also standards of behaviour, values and the work ethic of the community they joined. On successful completion of the formation period and having made a ‘profession’ to respect the standards of their guild or community, apprentices were called to practice what became known as their ‘profession’ (the origin of the term ‘profession’ in the Latin languages) or ‘vocation’ (in the English language) or Beruf in the German language (which means ‘one’s calling’, the equivalent of the English word ‘vocation’)
- 2.
In contrast to other OECD countries, government policy in Switzerland encourages young people to follow an apprenticeship rather than a third level university route. Thus only approximately 20 per cent of a cohort attends an upper secondary academic school.
- 3.
It should be pointed out that this paper is only discussing the statutory apprenticeships designated by the Irish Training and Employment Authority, FAS (see Table 5.1). It does not discuss other existing forms of apprenticeships dealing with sectors in areas such as Farming and Hotel and Tourism.
- 4.
In his comparative study on the economic development of Ireland and other small European states, in particular in the post World War 2 years, the Norwegian Mjoset (1992) comments that one of the causes of Ireland’s weak system of economic innovation was its dependence on a British economy that was beginning to decline. Thus, while other small states in Europe such as Austria and Switzerland were free riders on Germany’s economic miracle, Ireland was still embedded within the declining industrial economy of Britain (Mjoset, 1992, p. 9).
- 5.
In a heated debate in the Irish parliament (Dail) in 1966 about the rationale for the creation of AnCO, the Minister of Labour at the time argued that the ‘availability of trained manpower will attract industry.’ So in the context of an active labour-market strategy, training was geared towards job opportunities in the foreign companies in the process of being enticed by the Irish Industrial Development Authority to invest in Ireland (Boyle, 2005, p. 23).
- 6.
Then the European Economic Community.
- 7.
ESF funding was also used to finance targeted, short duration ‘intermediate’ third-level technological education courses at technician level in the Institutes of Technology found throughout the country (see Wickham and Boucher, 2004).
- 8.
According to Boyle (2005, p. 32), ‘social partnership secured a corporatist bargain’ that was the Irish equivalent of the Dutch 1982 Wassenaar or the Swedish 1938 Saltsjobaden accords.
- 9.
The former Prime Minister (Taoiseach) of Ireland, Bertie Ahern, who was actively involved in negotiating a number of social partnership agreements since 1991, stated many times that the major factor contributing to the success of the Celtic Tiger was ‘social partnership’.
- 10.
Almost 70 per cent of these had an upper secondary level (Leaving Certificate) qualification. Forty percent followed apprenticeships in Construction and 30 per cent in Electrical trades.
- 11.
With regard to question of what kind of a economic model the Irish Celtic Tiger has followed in relation to the contrasting ‘neo-liberal market’ or ‘coordinated market’ driven archetypal models of Hall and Soskice (2001), Boyle (2005, p. 12) argues that instead of identifying paradoxes in the Irish industrial model, one should look at how different components of Irish society fit together in a unique way. Two concepts that might assist us in understanding the kind of reality Irish style social partnership has given rise to are that of ‘competitive corporatism’ and the ‘flexible developmental state’.
- 12.
Surprisingly this appears to be addressing the seemingly intractable problem of attaining parity of esteem between academic and vocational education qualifications.
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Nyhan, B. (2010). Creating the Social Foundations for Apprenticeship in Ireland. In: Smith, E., Rauner, F. (eds) Rediscovering Apprenticeship. Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects, vol 11. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3116-7_5
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