Abstract
The relationship between cultural anthropology and Darwinism is complex. Contrary to what was once received wisdom, cultural anthropology was not inspired by Darwin’s ideas. Many nineteenth-century anthropological arguments predated Darwinism by a century or more. Yet, Darwinians figured prominently in organized anthropology in late-nineteenth century Britain, and when Darwin wrote The Descent of Man he drew upon the writings of an international population of anthropologists – although his most important sources were British. But cultural anthropology changed dramatically at the end of the nineteenth century, when its practitioners left their armchairs and took to the field – and conceptualized cultural variation in terms of Darwinian biogeography. Arguably, these practitioners, such as Baldwin Spencer, were influenced by the Darwin who wrote On the Origin of Species, not the Darwin who wrote The Descent of Man. And the disciplinary result of their labors was paradoxical: cultural anthropology informed by notions derived from Darwinian biology factored biological elements out of explanations of cultural variation.
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Notes
- 1.
See Emmanuelle Sibeud, “The Metamorphosis of Ethnology in France,” in Henrika Kuklick, ed., A New History of Anthropology (Oxford/Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008), 96–110.
- 2.
Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within. The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885-1845 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 45–6.
- 3.
John Lubbock, “On the Development of Relationships,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute 1 (1872): 1–29.
- 4.
See, e.g., John Lubbock, “On the Customs of Marriage and Systems of Relationship Among the Australians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute 14 (1885): 292–300; Lubbock’s attack is indirect here, on Morgan’s Australian disciples, Lorimer Fison and A. W. Howitt. For Darwin on Morgan, see Descent, 75, 84. On Morgan, see, e.g., Bernhard J. Stern, “Lewis Henry Morgan: American Ethnologist,” Social Forces 6 (1928): 344–357.
- 5.
Andrew D. Evans, Anthropology at War. World War I and the Science of Race in Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 30. I do not consider comparable the appointment of Daniel Garrison Brinton as professor of ethnology and archaeology in the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia in 1884; technically, his appointment as professor of ethnology at the University of Pennsylvania in the same year as Ranke’s appointment, 1886, was the first in North America, but, as Regna Darnell observes, he received no salary and had no identifiable students; see her “North American Traditions in Anthropology,” in Kuklick, ed., 38. E. B. Tylor was promoted from a readership at Oxford to a personal professorship in 1896.
- 6.
See, e.g., Robert J. Richards, The Tragic Sense of Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 28.
- 7.
Charles Darwin, The Descent of Man, Second Edition (New York: A. L. Burt, 1874), 3.
- 8.
Ernest Haeckel, “Fifty Years of Anthropology,” The North American Review Vol. 198, No. 696 (November 1913): 609–616; quote 610f. For Darwin’s embryology, see, e.g., Descent, 10. For Darwin’s rejection of polygenism, see, e.g., Descent, 200.
- 9.
The definitive study of the split between the ESL and ASL – as well as their reunion in 1871 as the Anthropological Institute – is George W. Stocking, Jr., “What’s In a Name? What’s in a name? The origins of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1837–1871.” Man n.s. 6 (1971): 369–90.
- 10.
For Wallace’s efforts to reconcile the ASL and ESL viewpoints, see his “The Origin of Human Races and the Antiquity of Man Deduced from the Theory of ‘Natural Selection’,” Journal of the Anthropological Society of London 2 (1864): clviii-clxxxvii.
- 11.
Quoted in Richard Burkhardt, Jr., Patterns of Behavior (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 2f.
- 12.
Tylor’s first appointment at Oxford was in 1883 as Keeper of the university museum, and he became Reader in anthropology in the following year.
- 13.
A major point of considerable contention between British anthropologists and Morgan was whether the original type of relationship between the sexes as what Morgan termed “primitive promiscuity” – which also seemed unlikely to Darwin; on this point see my “Humanity in the chrysalis stage: Indigenous Australians in the anthropological imagination, 1899–1926,” British Journal for the History of Science 39 (2006): 535–568. On Klemm, whose ideas were possibly an inspiration for Tylor, see Harry Francis Malgrave, “Gustav Klemm and Gottfried Semper: The Meeting of Ethnological and Architectural Theory,” Anthropology and Aesthetics 9 (1985): 68–79.
- 14.
The general discussion is in Kuklick, 1991, esp. 80–88. See 86 for the quotation from Huxley’s Social Diseases and Worse Remedies (1891), 80 and 86f for the quotations from E. B. Tylor, Anthropology (1881) and 82-3 for the discussion of John Lubbock’s The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man (1870).
- 15.
These characteristic remarks of Tylor happen to come from his introduction to Friedrich Ratzel, The History of Mankind (1896), quoted in Kuklick, Ibid, 7. For Tylor in 1893 on the Tasmanians, see Ibid, 251.
- 16.
Descent, quotations, in order, 14, 199, 203, 191, 178; see also 10f, 17, 22, 32, 44, 60ff, 164, 105f, 151, 214, 209.
- 17.
For one effort to establish anthropology’s Darwinian pedigree, see A. C. Haddon, History of Anthropology (London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1910).
- 18.
J. W. Burrow, “Evolution and Anthropology in the 1860’s. The Anthropological Society of London, 1863–71,” Victorian Studies 7 (1963): 137–154, p. 141.
- 19.
J. W. Burrow, Evolution and Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 10–16.
- 20.
For one discussion, see Susan Lanzoni, “Sympathy in Mind (1876–1900),” Journal of the History of Ideas 70 (2009): 265–287.
- 21.
For one reiteration of this story, see David M. Hoffman and Andrew M. Gardner, “Fieldwork and Writing From the Field,” in Gardner and Hoffman, Dispatches from the Field (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2006), 1 f. In fact, Malinowski had intended to spend two years in the field, and, thanks largely to the efforts of C. G. Seligman, his supervisor at the London School of Economics, had the wherewithal to do so; he was able to secure additional funds from the Australian government by promising to identify information useful to Australia’s colonial administrators. Michael W. Young, Malinowski. Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884-1920 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). 245f, 437; see also Malinowski to Atlee Hunt, Secretary, Department of External Affairs, April 28, 1915, and Hunt to Malinowski, May 4, 1915, Yale University Archives, MS 19, Box 4.
- 22.
Anthropologists’ fieldwork methods were in no small part borrowed from the methods of other practitioners of the sciences that derived from natural history, not least because a number of early field-going anthropologists were scientifically trained. For one account of the development of field method, which includes an analysis of the origins of Malinowski’s approach, see my “Personal Equations: Reflections on the History of Fieldwork, With Special Reference to Sociocultural Anthropology,” Isis 102 (2011): 1-33.
- 23.
One testimonial to Spencer’s encouragement is Malinowski’s letter to his supervisor at the London School of Economics, C. G. Seligman, 4 May 1915, Malinowski Papers, file 27/3, London School of Economics.
- 24.
D. J. Mulvaney and J. H. Calaby, ‘So Much that is New. Baldwin Spencer, 1860-1920 (Carlton, Victoria, Australia: 1985), 60.
- 25.
Baldwin Spencer to W. E. Roth, 30 January 1903, S P, Box 1A. As the Protector of Aborigines for Queensland, Roth was himself able to devote considerable time to anthropological inquiry. Spencer also served as the editor of the Horn Expedition’s Reports.
- 26.
Frank Gillen was Post and Telegraphs Stationmaster, stipendiary magistrate, and Sub-Protector of Aborigines for South Australia; his formal schooling ended when he was twelve.
- 27.
Bronislaw Malinowski, Review of Across Australia by Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Folk-Lore 24 (1913), 278.
- 28.
A. C. Haddon to Baldwin Spencer, 5 May 1902, in the Spencer Papers, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford (subsequently, S P), Box 1. Near-contemporaries, Spencer and Haddon were both trained as biologists, and were professional rivals as such before they became like-minded anthropologists: Haddon was the runner-up in the competition for Spencer’s Melbourne chair. For Haddon’s endorsement of detailed study of a delimited area, as well as an account of the vicissitudes of his career, see Henrika Kuklick, “Islands in the Pacific: Darwinian Biogeography and British Anthropology,” American Ethnologist 23 (1996): 611–38.
- 29.
As Patrick Brantlinger has documented, arguments that Australian Aborigines were inferior forms of humankind date to the beginning of British colonization of their land. Long before the promulgation of Darwin’s evolutionary theory, Europeans in Australia pronounced that Aborigines constituted “the connecting link between man and the monkey tribe,” as Peter Cunningham did in 1827; quoted in Brantlinger, Dark Vanishings (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003), 117. On the general theme of Australia as a “zoological garden of living fossils,” see R. A. Stafford, “Annexing the landscapes of the past: British imperial geology in the nineteenth century,” in J. M. MacKenzie, ed., Imperialism and the Natural World (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 67–89, esp. 81–2.
- 30.
For a general discussion of the putative plight of Aboriginal Australians, see Russell McGregor, Imagined Destinies. Aboriginal Australians and the Doomed Race Theory, 1880–1939 (Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press, 1997). For example, naturalists remarked upon the triumph of the English bee over the Australian bee, and plotted the rapid territorial expansion of introduced rabbits. For some naturalists’ observations, see Charles Nicolson to John Lubbock, 1857, Avebury Papers, British Library, Add.MS 49638; P. M. Byrne to Baldwin Spencer, 18 April 1895, S P, Box 1A.
- 31.
J. G. Frazer, “The Origin of Totemism,” Fortnightly Review 71 (January-June 1899), 648.
- 32.
Balwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta (London: Macmillan, 1927), vii; Native Tribes, 54.
- 33.
See Native Tribes, 265, 356, 536–48.
- 34.
Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia (London: Macmillan, 1904), 720; Native Tribes, 575.
- 35.
Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Across Australia (London: Macmillan, 1912), vol. 2, 300; and see Native Tribes, 7–8, 17–18.
- 36.
This characteristic statement is from A. C. Haddon, “Manners and Customs of the Torres Straits Islanders,” Nature 42 (1890), 637–642, quote 638. See also Native Tribes, vii. For the translation of this generalization into a formula, see, e.g., W. H. R. Rivers, “Report on Anthropological Research Outside America,” in W. H. R. Rivers, A. E. Jenks, and S. G. Morley, The Present Constitution and Future Needs of the Science of Anthropology (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1913), 5–28. And see Native Tribes, vii.
- 37.
E.g., Native Tribes, v. Spencer and Gillen’s claim was somewhat hyperbolic; they had been given local identities, but they did not have ‘fully-initiated’ status, not having experienced the rites de passage that would have conferred it.
- 38.
Native Tribes, 584–6, 618–35, 218–51.
- 39.
Native Tribes, 48; see also 25–6.
- 40.
Native Tribes, 26. And see Baldwin Spencer, President, “Inaugural Address,” Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, Report of the Fifteenth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science. Hobart Meeting [actually held in Melbourne], January 1921 (Melbourne: AAAS, 1921), liii-lxxxix, esp. lxvi.
- 41.
Across Australia, vol. 1, 123, 188–9; vol. 2, 307–8.
- 42.
Native Tribes, 46; and see 56, 96–100, 196, 381.
- 43.
Northern Tribes, 16; Native Tribes, 117, 596; Spencer, “Inaugural Address,” lxvii, lxxiii. And see Native Tribes, esp. 1–9, 575, 587–8.
- 44.
On fears that Europeans would degenerate in Australia, see Richard White, Inventing Australia. Images and Identity 1688–1980 (St. Leonards, N.S.W.: Allen and Unwin, 1981), 70–71.
- 45.
For example, in one notable instance, in 1891, Gillen attempted to hold a white policeman liable for the murder of an Aborigine; see John Mulvaney, ‘F. J. Gillen’s Life and Times’, in John Mulvaney, Howard Morphy, and Alison Petch, eds., ‘My Dear Spencer’. The Letters of F. J. Gillen to Baldwin Spencer (Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press, 1997), esp. 6–7.
- 46.
See Nicholas Peterson, “Studying man and man’s nature: the history of the institutionalization of Aboriginal anthropology,” Australian Aboriginal Studies 7, 2 (1990), 7.
- 47.
Baldwin Spencer to J. G. Frazer, 7 June 1903, in R. R. Marett and T. K. Penniman, eds., Spencer’s Scientific Correspondence with Sir J. G. Frazer and Others (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1932), 93.
- 48.
Bronislaw Malinowski, “Anthropology,” Volume 1 of the three supplementary volumes published for the 13th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (London and New York: The Encyclopaedia Britannica Company, 1926), 133.
- 49.
See Gillen to Spencer, 17 November 1902, in Mulvaney, Morphy and Petch, 419, 416.
- 50.
Similar assumptions informed the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits of 1898, organized by A. C. Haddon, a Cambridge-trained zoologist whose career was much like Spencer’s (he came second in the competition to become Melbourne’s foundation professor of biology, for example), and who corresponded with Spencer and promoted his work. Virtually all British anthropologists until World War II were somehow professional progeny of the Torres Straits Expedition; conspicuous among these were students of two members of the expedition, C. G. Seligman and W. H. R. Rivers, respectively Bronislaw Malinowski and A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. I describe the biogeographical conceptualization of the expedition in Kuklick, 1996.
- 51.
Franz Boas, “Arctic Exploration and Its Object,” Popular Science Monthly 22 (1885): 78–81; Franz Boas, “Ethnological Problems in Canada,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 40 (1910): 530, 531. The generalizations are Alexander Lesser’s; see his “Franz Boas,” International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, David Sills, ed. (New York: Macmillan and The Free Press, 1968), II, p. 101.
- 52.
See, e.g., J. G. Frazer to George Macmillan, 23 August 1897, British Library, Macmillan Archive, Add.MS 55134.
- 53.
É. Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, translated by Karen E. Fields (New York: Basic Books, 1995 [orig. 1912]), 7.
- 54.
See, e.g., A. A. Goldenweiser, ‘Reconstructions from Survivals in West Australia’, AA n.s. 18 (1916): 476–8.
- 55.
Quoted in G. W. Stocking, Jr., After Tylor (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 59.
- 56.
Max Weber, Sociology of Religion, posthumously published in 1925, cited in Brian Morris, Anthropological Studies of Religion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 71.
- 57.
J. R. Swanton, Review of Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship by J. G. Frazer, American Anthropologist (subsequently AA) n.s. 8 (1906): 157–160; and Review of The Secret of the Totem by Andrew Lang, AA n.s. 8 (1906): 160–165. Swanton was not alone in this critique. See also, e.g., A. R. Brown (later Radcliffe-Brown), “The Definition of Totemism,” Anthropos 9 (1914): 622–30.
- 58.
See, e.g., J. G. Frazer, “On Some Ceremonies of the Central Australian Tribes,” Report of the Eighth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science. Melbourne: 1900 (Melbourne: AAAS, 1901), 312–321; Native Tribes, 170.
- 59.
See especially, John R. Swanton, “The social and the emotional element in totemism,” Anthropos 9 (1914): 288–299; Alexander A. Goldenweiser, “Totemism, An Analytical Study,” Journal of American Folk-Lore 23 (1910): 178–293.
- 60.
For a survey, see William H. Dunham, “Advances in Evolutionary Culture Theory,” Annual Review of Anthropology 19 (1990): 187–210.
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Kuklick, H. (2012). The Theory of Evolution and Cultural Anthropology. In: Fasolo, A. (eds) The Theory of Evolution and Its Impact. Springer, Milano. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-1974-4_6
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