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Idola Tribus: Lamarck, Politics and Religion in the Early Nineteenth Century

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The Theory of Evolution and Its Impact

Abstract

There is no doubt that traditionally the history of evolutionary ideas has been and is Darwin-centred. I have no dispute with this, being a convinced “Darwinian”, in spite of years of work I have devoted to study Lamarck and the many non-Darwinian theories of evolution current in Europe and the United States before and after 1859. Whereas historians have paid some attention to post-Darwinian, non Darwinian theories, pre-Darwinian theories have been much neglected. Attention is usually paid to so-called “Lamarckian” attitudes present in European natural history debates from the early 1800s to the 1850s, only to conclude that Lamarck played no role, was almost unanimously neglected and in any case unanimously vituperated. This was hardly the case. However, the aim of my paper is not to vindicate Lamarck, but to argue that even concentration on Lamarck would amount to gross anachronism. After analysing reasons – essentially political and religious – that have been given to explain the alleged oblivion into which Lamarck’s works had fallen (if they ever rose to attention) I will examine evidence concerning the wider debate on Lamarck’s ideas within the medical literature of the 1810s and the 1820s. This will open up a new research area, focussed on the translation into French of major German authors (Meckel, Tiedemann, Carus, Treviranus, Burdach, Oken) and on the attempts to re-formulate key Lamarckian tenets in the terms of German natural philosophy, comparative anatomy and embryology, and medicine. The debate on the development of life – historical and embryological – was wider and much more interesting than the debate on Lamarck’s own theories, which in any case well deserves to be rescued from oblivion.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Jean Gayon, “Lamarck Philosophe”, in P. Corsi et al., Lamarck philosophe de la nature, Paris, PUF, 2006, pp. 9–35. See P. Corsi, http://www.lamarck.cnrs.fr/ for the complete edition of Lamarck’s theoretical works, his manuscripts and herbarium.

  2. 2.

    See C. Darwin, The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, 2 vols., London, J. Murray, 1868, vol. 2, Ch. XXVII, “Provisional hypothesis of pangenesis”, pp. 357–404.

  3. 3.

    I will only refer here to the biographies by A. Desmond and J. Moore, Darwin, London, Michael Joseph, 1991 and Darwin, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007; and J. Browne, Charles Darwin, 2 vols., London, Jonathan Cape, 1995–2002.

  4. 4.

    See for instance R. Burkhardt, The spirit of system: Lamarck and evolutionary biology, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1977, 1995.

  5. 5.

    Georges Cuvier,. “Éloge de M. de Lamarck, lu à l’Académie royale des sciences le 26 Novembre 1832”, in Mémoires de l’Académie royale des sciences de l’Institut de France, 13 (1831–1833), pp. i–xxx; Isidore Bourdon, “Lamarck”, Dictionnaire de la conversation et de la lecture, 34 (1837), pp. 265–269.

  6. 6.

    See for instance J. Secord, Victorian sensation: the extraordinary publication, reception, and secret authorship of Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 2000, and J. Endersby, Imperial nature: Joseph Hooker and the practices of Victorian science, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 2008.

  7. 7.

    The best known and best argued representative of the view that Lamarck was acceptable only to extreme radicals is Adrian Desmond, The Politics of Evolution. Morphology, Medicine and Reform in Radical London, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1989.

  8. 8.

    Georges Cuvier, “Extrait d’une Notice biographique sur Bruguière, lue à la société philomathique, dans sa séance générale du 30 nivôse an VII”, in Magasin encyclopédique, 5th year, vol. 3 (1799), pp. 42–57; Louis Marchant, Lettres inédites de Georges Cuvier a C. H. Pfaff sur l’histoire naturelle, la politique et la littérature, Paris, Victor Masson, 1858, p. 78: “Les sciences ont aujourd’hui peu de dignes prêtres en France, et cette pauvreté est d’autant plus pénible, que l’on se souvient encore de l’ancien éclat dont elles ont brillé”; Jean-Claude Delamétherie, “Discours préliminaire”, in Journal de physique, 42 (1793), p. 7. See also A.-L. Millin, “Journal d’histoire naturelle”, in Magazin encyclopédique, 1, n. 8 (8 décembre 1792), pp. 57–60, “L’Allemagne voit paroître un grand nombre de collections, et de recueils d’histoire naturelle”, p. 57.

  9. 9.

    For two recent systematic studies of the accumulation of collections in Paris see B. Daugeron, Apparition-Disparition des Nouveaux mondes en Histoire naturelle, Enregistrement-Epuisement des collections scientifiques (1763–1830), Paris, EHESS, Thèse de doctorat, 2007, 2 vols.and P.-Y. Lacour, La République naturaliste. Les collections françaises d’histoire naturelle sous la Révolution, 1789–1804, Florence, European University Institute, Ph. D. Dissertation, 2010, 2 vols. It is interesting to point out that in his biographical notice of Bruguière (see n. 8) Cuvier complained that the collections amassed at great public expense were now collecting dust at the Muséum, since no one appeared to work on them. This too was soon to change, but systematic exploitation of the conquered natural history riches only started after 1802, that is, after Cuvier became full professor there. The political innuendos of Cuvier’s astonishing biography of Bruguière, his equally astonishing veiled attacks against colleagues working at major State institutions have never been analyzed in detail.

  10. 10.

    Amongst many, the testimony of Louis Marchant, Lettres inédites de Georges Cuvier, is telling, p. 30: “C’était une époque très-favorable pour les sciences et ceux qui les cultivaient; le premier consul se trouvait très-honoré du titre de membre de l’Institut, il le mettait en tête de tous les autres. Les premiers hommes de la science, comme Laplace, Chaptal, Monge, étaient en même temps les premiers aux affaires. L’institution grandiose du Jardin des plantes, à laquelle des savants spéciaux d’une grande célébrité étaient attachés pour chaque branche de l’histoire naturelle, pour la géognosie, la géologie, pour la chimie théorique et pratique, à laquelle se reliaient les grands musées nationaux, avait surtout une grande part dans cette sollicitude et ces encouragements.”

  11. 11.

    For further contemporary testimonials, see, among others, F. W. Blagdon, Paris as it was and as it is, London, C. and R. Baldwin, 1803, vol. 2, p. 582, and passim. See also P. Corsi, “After the Revolution: Scientific Language and French Politics, 1795–1802”, in M. Pelling and S. Mandelbrote, eds., The Practice of Reform in Health, Medicine, and Science, 1500–2000, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 223–245

  12. 12.

    D. Outram, Georges Cuvier: Vocation, Science and Authority in Post-Revolutionary France, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1984.

  13. 13.

    J -J Coulmann, Réminiscences, Paris, Michel Lévy frères, 1862–1869, vol. 1, p. 233: Coulmann was the younger brother of the wife of General Frederic-Louis-Henri Walther (1761–1813), Cuvier’s first cousin. Outram, 1984, has called attention to the role Walther played in introducing Cuvier to powerful figures in Paris in early 1795, when Walther was already a significant figure within the army.

  14. 14.

    Charles-Nicolas-Sigisbert Sonnini de Manoncourt, ed., Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière, par Leclerc de Buffon. Nouvelle édition, accompagnée de notes, dans lesquelles les supplémens sont insérés dans le premier texte, à la place qui leur convient. […], Paris, F. Dufart, Year VII (1798)-1808. The list of more than 1400 subscribers does not take into account direct sales from the printers and publishers.

  15. 15.

    Julien-Joseph Virey, Nouveau dictionnaire d’histoire naturelle appliquée aux arts, à l’agriculture, à l’économie rurale et domestique, à la médecine, etc., par une Société de naturalistes et d’agriculteurs, 1803–1804. 1st ed., 24 vols., Paris, Déterville. 1816–1819; 2d ed., 36 vols., Paris, Déterville. Already in 1807 the publishers were considering a second edition.

  16. 16.

    For an interesting contemporary comment on the Nouveau dictionnaire see H. Redhead Yorke, Letters from France in 1802, 2 vols., London, H. D. Symonds, 1804, vol. 2, p. 333: “This precious work is published at so reasonable a price, that the sale will scarcely defray the expenses of paper and printing. It is essentially a patriotic undertaking by Sonnini, Virey, Parmentier, Huzard, Bosc, Olivier, Latreille, Chaptal, Cels, Thouin, Du Tour, and Patrin, men possessed of great knowledge of the subjects of which they treat”.

  17. 17.

    J.-B. Bory de Saint Vincent, “Matière verte”, in Dictionnaire des sciences naturelles, 29 (1823), pp. 314–336.

  18. 18.

    Antoine Desmoulins, Histoire naturelle des races humaines, Paris, Méquignon-Marvis, 1826, p. viii; François-Vincent Raspail, “Coteries scientifiques”, Annales des sciences d’observation, 3 (1830), pp. 151–159, p. 157; on Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire’s repeated attacks against Cuvier, see Corsi, The Age of Lamarck, ch. VIII.

  19. 19.

    I have discussed Sonnini’s defiant attitude against Cuvier in The Age of Lamarck, pp. 36–38.

  20. 20.

    Stendhal, The Life of Henry Brulard, translated and with an introduction by Jean Stewart and Bert C. J. G. Knight, London, 1958, p. 180

  21. 21.

    H. D. de Blainville, Observations sur la chaire d’histoire naturelle du Collège de France, Paris, 1832.

  22. 22.

    Raphaël Bange, “Les ressources de l’état civil parisien pour l’histoire des sciences. L’exemple de Lamarck”, Bulletin de la Société d’histoire et d’épistémologie des sciences de la vie, 1 (1994), pp. 30–41.

  23. 23.

    H. Ferrière, Bory de Saint-Vincent (1778–1846): naturaliste, voyageur et militaire, entre Révolution et Monarchie de Juillet; essai biographique, Thèse de doctorat, 2 vols., Université Paris 1, Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2001 and Bory de Saint-Vincent: l’évolution d’un voyageur naturaliste, Paris, Syllepse, 2009.

  24. 24.

    Pietro Corsi, “Biologie”, in P. Corsi et al., Lamarck, Philosophe de la nature, Paris, PUF, 2006, pp. 37–64.

  25. 25.

    On Delamétherie’s atheism, see H.. D. de Blainville, “Notice historique sur la vie et les écrits de J.-C. Delamétherie”, in Journal de Physique, 85 (817), pp. 78–107, p. 89.

  26. 26.

    H. Redhead, Letters from France in 1802, vol. 1, p. 225. See also J. A. C. Sykes, ed., France in Eighteen Hundred and Two Described in a Series of Contemporary Letters by Henry Redhead Yorke, London, William Heinemann, 1906, p. 93. Sykes appeared to ignore the original work. His edition is marred by hilarious spellings of the names of the main actors of Parisian life in 1802.

  27. 27.

    Joëlle Jezierski, “De fleur et de sang. Parcours d’un herbier napoléonien”, in Machine à feu. Revue du livre et de la lecture en Limousin, 25 (2007), pp.40–41

  28. 28.

    Jean-Baptiste Fray, Essai sur l’origine des corps organisés et inorganisés, et sur quelques phénomènes de physiologie animale et végétale, Paris, Mme Ve Courcier, 1817. An earlier and shorter version of the work, Nouvelles expériences extraites d’un manuscrit qui a pour titre: essai sur l’origine des substances organisées et inorganisées had been published in Berlin, L. Quien, and Paris, chez Nicolle, 1807. J. Barclay, An Inquiry Into The Opinions, Ancient And Modern, Concerning Life And Organization, Edinburgh, Bell and Bradfute, 1822, pp. 126–142; for the quotations from Cabanis, see pp. 127–128.

  29. 29.

    V. Granata, Politica del teatro e teatro della politica: censura, partiti e opinione pubblica a Parigi nel primo Ottocento, Milano, Unicopli, 2008.

  30. 30.

    G.-L. Duvernoy, “Réflexions sur les corps organises et les sciences dont ils sont l’objet”, in Magasin encyclopédique, 5th year, vol. 3 (1799), pp. 459–474. See Corsi, The Age of Lamarck, pp. 75–76.

  31. 31.

    S. Gliboff, H.G. Bronn, Ernst Haeckel, and the Origins of German Darwinism: A Study in Translation and Transformation, Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 2008. P. Hunemann, ed., Kant and the Philosophy of Biology, Rochester N.Y., University of Rochester Press, 2007. R. Richards, The Romantic Conception of Life: Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2002. T. Lenoir, “Kant, Blumenbach, and Vital Materialism in German Biology”, in Isis, 71 (1980), pp. 77–108, and The Strategy of Life: Teleology and Mechanics in Nineteenth Century German Biology, Dordrecht, Reidel, 1982. T. Bach, Biologie und Philosophie bei C. F. Kielmeyer und F. W. J. Schelling, Stuttgart, Bad-Cannstatt, 2001. S. Schmitt, Les forces vitales et leur distribution dans la nature: un essai de “systématique physiologique”. Textes de Kielmeyer, Link et Oken traduits et commentés, Paris, Brepols, 2007.

  32. 32.

    G.-L. Duvernoy, “Ovologie”, in Dictionnaire universel d’histoire naturelle, 9 (1849), pp. 281–353.

  33. 33.

    Duvernoy, “Ovologie”, p. 348. J. F. Meckel, “Fragmente aus der Entwicklungsgeschichte des menschlichen fœtus”, in Abhandlungen aus der menschlichen und vergleichenden Anatomie und Physiologie, Halle, Hemmerde und Schwetschke, 1805, pp. 277–381, now available at Edition Classic VDM Verlag Dr. Muller, 2007. See L. Göbbel and R. Schultka, “Meckel the Younger and his Epistemology of Organic Form: Morphology in the pre-Gegenbaurian Age”, in Theory in Biosciences, 122 (2003), pp. 127–141.

  34. 34.

    C. Duméril, Traité élémentaire d’histoire naturelle, Paris, Crapelet, 1804, 2nd ed., 2 vols. Paris, Déterville, 1807. It is to be pointed out that in 1803 Duméril was appointed assistant to Lacépède, who had taken up heavy political and administrative duties.

  35. 35.

    C. G. Carus, Traite élémentaire d’anatomie comparée, suivi de recherches d’anatomie philosophique ou transcendante […] traduit de l’Allemand par A.-J.-L. Jourdan, 3 vols., Paris et Londres, J.-B. Baillière, 1835. See pp. 4–5 for comments on Burdin, and on the contemporary development in France and Germany of ideas about the vertebrae composing the cranium. Carus also pointed out that Italy and England had contributed precious little to the “philosophical” developments in anatomy.

  36. 36.

    See Corsi, The Age of Lamarck, pp. 237–238.

  37. 37.

    A.-J.-L. Jourdan, “Histoire naturelle des animaux sans vertèbres”, in Journal universel des sciences médicales, 2 (1816), pp. 145–181, and “Germe”, Dictionnaire des sciences médicales, 18 (1817), pp. 226–277.

  38. 38.

    Jourdan devoted a long article to the career and doctrines of Reil, again pointing out the similarities with Lamarck, “Littérature médicale allemande. Sur la connaissances et le traitement des fièvres, par Jean-Chrétien Reil”, in Journal universel des sciences médicales, 2 (1816), pp. 217–239.

  39. 39.

    A.-J.-L. Jourdan, “Germe”, Dictionnaire des sciences médicales, 18 (1817), pp. 226–277.

  40. 40.

    N. P. Adelon, “Système analytique”, in Revue encyclopédique, 9 (1821), pp. 257–267, and Physiologie de l’homme, 4 vols., Paris, Compère jeune, 1823–1824, see vol. 4, pp. 3–4, 103–104, 114–115, 232, for favorable summaries of Lamarck’s ideas. Adelon was one of the editors of the Dictionnaire des sciences médicales.

  41. 41.

    See R. Richards, The Romantic Conception of Life: Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2002, for an authoritative presentation of this argument and the relevant bibliography. See also Philip F. Rehbock, The philosophical naturalists: themes in early nineteenth-century British biology, Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.

  42. 42.

    The French translation of Tiedemann appeared in 1823; the English language edition, The anatomy of the fœtal brain: with a comparative exposition of its structure in animals […] Translated from the French of A. J. L. Jourdan, by William Bennett, M. D., appeared in Edinburgh in 1826, J. Carfrae and Son.

  43. 43.

    Manual of general, descriptive, and pathological anatomy, by J. F. Meckel […] Translated from the German into French, with additions and notes, by A. J.L. Jourdan and G. Breschet. Translated from the French, with notes, by A. Sidney Doane, 3 vols., Philadelphia, Carey & Lea, 1832. Doane, a graduate from Harvard University, had studied in Paris during 1830–1832. He translated several French medical textbooks and specialized monographs into English.

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  1. The Old Boys High School, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK

    Pietro Corsi

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  1. Accademia delle Scienze, Italy, Via Accademia Albertina 13, Torino, I-10124, Torino, Italy

    Aldo Fasolo

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Corsi, P. (2012). Idola Tribus: Lamarck, Politics and Religion in the Early Nineteenth Century. In: Fasolo, A. (eds) The Theory of Evolution and Its Impact. Springer, Milano. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-1974-4_2

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