Abstract
This chapter examines the contemporary multi-layered and multi-axial production of the fast-growing Kullu-Bhuntar urban area, in Kullu district, Himachal Pradesh, from a number of perspectives. The first part of the chapter illustrates Kullu’s contemporary growth as linked to its historical emergence as an urban centre—firstly, as a princely capital under successive rulers and as a trading and transport hub along inter-Asian trade routes. Kullu’s historical and contemporary urbanisation, is thus informed by longstanding modes of mobility and interaction, including with the rural hinterland, across interconnected valleys, and between the North Indian plains and the cold desert areas of Ladakh and Tibet, as described on the basis of primary and secondary sources. In the post-Independence period, Himachal state policies have yielded a relatively broad based prosperity for the district’s rural hinterland, as horticulture has expanded, and land has been distributed to the landless. Such agricultural wealth has cemented and augmented Kullu’s historic urban role as an important site for service provision for a relatively prosperous rural and regional hinterland, that is increasingly investing in the town. In the contemporary moment, these locally inflected dynamics continue to inform Kullu’s expanding urban space even as Kullu district is seeing various new capital flows into the region, mainly in the form of building by state institutions, the construction of hydroelectric power projects, and increasing tourism. The second part of the chapter describes the contemporary and multiple drivers of growth in the area as forms of state-initiated and facilitated ‘institutional urbanisation’ or ‘self-urbanisation’. It also speaks to the kind of urban form that is emerging - in terms of urban morphology itself, as a form of metropolitanisation, encompassing both rural and urban jurisdictions, mainly through ribbon development following the national highway, emanating from Kullu town. In the third and last section of the chapter, I consider the implications of Kullu’s growth in terms of the relationships between so-called ‘locals’, settled migrant communities, and various streams of newer migrants who have come to work in the expanding metropolitan region. Given the restrictions on ownership of land on non-Himachalis, what the section shows is how non-Himachalis acquire what can be termed an accretive citizenship, gaining local citizenship rights over time. Simultaneously, however, it is often suggested that anyone who comes to Kullu remains. What this adage refers to are the comforts of a town located within a district with overwhelming, and fairly widely distributed natural resources—suggesting that a capacity for a languid plenitude is one of the most critical dynamics shaping Kullu’s expanding urban growth, situated as it is, at the intersection of numerous mobile flows: of people, things and monies.
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Notes
- 1.
Fieldwork for this project was primarily conducted in June, July and September 2011, March, May, June and August 2012 and June, September and October 2013. Fieldwork mainly consisted of interviews as well as the collection of official data and maps. Historical narratives are drawn mainly from colonial accounts of travels together with histories and settlement in the Kullu valley.
- 2.
It should be noted that Singh (2009) considers Kullu kingdom as having six waziris, and does not include Banghal, but does include Spiti.
- 3.
It should be noted that it is possible that horticultural wealth also includes capital generated through technically ‘illegal’ means, mainly in the form of marijuana cultivation and sale, and trade in medicinal plants, both of which have longstanding historical roots in the Kullu valley. However, it is difficult to assess the value of such trade.
- 4.
It should be noted that although the TIN number is a fairly recent innovation, TIN numbers were issued to older concerns, replacing their older Central Sales Tax/registration numbers. Source: http://www.tinxsys.com/, accessed April 14, 2015.
- 5.
Under Indian law, “Scheduled Tribe” suggests recognition by the national or state government of communities as a “tribe or tribal community”, for whom affirmative action policies are available in education and state employment.
- 6.
This information was received from the Himachal Pradesh Tourism Development Corporation office in Manali.
- 7.
The only exceptions are already built-up structures.
- 8.
“Unique Aadhar” numbers have recently been issued to Indian citizens, with the idea that such numbers would provide portable identification of citizens by the state, irrespective of their location within the country, and hence seamless access to government services.
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Mehra, D. (2017). Wealth, Mobility, Accretive Citizenship and Belonging: Why Everyone Comes to Kullu and How they Remain. In: Denis, E., Zérah, MH. (eds) Subaltern Urbanisation in India. Exploring Urban Change in South Asia. Springer, New Delhi. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-3616-0_11
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