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Sozialpsychologie – Das Individuum im sozialen Kontext pp 93–135Cite as

Denken und Fühlen

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Zusammenfassung

In diesem Kapitel wird dargestellt, wie sich unser affektives Erleben und unser Denken (z. B. Informationsverarbeitung und Urteilsbildung) wechselseitig beeinflussen. Zunächst wird beschrieben, wie sich der Informationsverarbeitungsstil in Abhängigkeit von der jeweiligen Stimmung unterscheiden kann: Zum einen werden bei Wahrnehmung und Erinnerung stimmungskongruente Informationen besser verarbeitet. Darüber hinaus können von der Stimmung gefärbte Urteile auch entstehen, indem die Stimmung selbst als Information über den Urteilsgegenstand herangezogen wird. Des Weiteren wird in dem Kapitel dargelegt, welchen Einfluss Kognitionen auf die Entstehung und die Veränderung unseres affektiven Erlebens haben. So hängt das Entstehen spezifischer Emotionen stark von der Bewertung der emotionsauslösenden Situation ab. Darüber hinaus können weitgehend ohne die Beteiligung von Kognitionen Affekte durch Wahrnehmung und Imitation ausgelöst werden.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Die Dauer von Emotionen kann ebenfalls – in Abhängigkeit von dem emotionsauslösenden Ereignis (z. B. kurze vs. lange Dauer des Ereignisses), Merkmale der Emotion (z. B. Intensität der Emotion) und Merkmale der emotionserlebenden Person (z. B. Unterschiede in der Regulation von Emotionen) – stark variieren (für einen Überblick vgl. Verduyn et al. 2015). Allgemein jedoch dauern Stimmungen im Vergleich zu Emotionen länger an.

  2. 2.

    Personen in positiver Stimmung benutzen im Vergleich zu schlecht gestimmten Personen häufig weniger aufwendige Informationsverarbeitungsstrategien, was aber weder auf eine eingeschränkte kognitive Kapazität noch auf eine geringere Motivation zurückgeführt werden kann. Vielmehr scheint es so, dass der Rückgriff auf übergeordnete Wissensstrukturen in positiver Stimmung eine andere, möglicherweise aufwendigere Verarbeitung in vielen Fällen unnötig macht (Bless et al. 1996a; Bless und Fiedler 2006; Bless et al. 1996b; Cote 2005; Isbell 2004; Krauth-Gruber und Ric 2000).

  3. 3.

    Neuere Forschung deutet daraufhin, dass nicht die jeweilige Stimmung einen entsprechenden Fokus induziert, sondern vielmehr bei positiver Stimmung der momentane Fokus beibehalten wird und bei negativer Stimmung ein Wechsel des Fokusses stattfindet. Da in der Regel ein globaler Fokus der momentane Fokus ist (der sog. Global-Precedence-Effekt ; z. B. Navon 1977), führt eine positive Stimmung zur Beibehaltung des Fokus und eine schlechte Stimmung zur Veränderung des globalen Fokus hin zu einem lokalen Fokus (für einen Überblick vgl. Huntsinger et al. 2014). Dies kann auch erklären, weswegen manche positive Stimmungen, die eine starke Annäherungsmotivation beinhalten (z. B. Verlangen), mit einem lokalen Fokus einhergehen (Gable und Harmon-Jones 2008; repliziert von Domachowska et al. 2016), da durch diese positive Stimmungen ein Ziel aktiviert wird, welches wiederum einem lokalen Fokus nach sich zieht (Huntsinger 2013).

  4. 4.

    Neben diesem generellen Effekt, dass positive Stimmung Kreativität fördert, gibt es eine Reihe von Moderatoren, die einen Einfluss auf diesen Effekt haben (für einen Überblick vgl. Metaanalyse von Baas et al. 2008). So fördern positive Gefühlszustände, welche mit erhöhter physiologischer Aktivierung einhergehen (z. B. Freude), die Kreativität; positive, mit niedriger physiologischer Aktivierung verbundene Gefühlszustände (z. B. Entspannung), hingegen nicht.

  5. 5.

    Dieser Einfluss der Stimmung auf die Erinnerung wird in der Literatur meist vereinfacht als „zustandsabhängige Erinnerung“ geführt. Da zustandsabhängige Erinnerung aber beispielsweise auch in Abhängigkeit vom Erregungslevel gezeigt werden konnte, verwenden wir hier eine differenziertere Bezeichnung.

  6. 6.

    Zwei weitere Gruppen sahen keinen Film, d. h., ihre Stimmung wurde nicht manipuliert. Allerdings erhielt eine dieser beiden Gruppen eine Hilfestellung, indem die Reißnägel zu Beginn nicht in, sondern neben der Schachtel lagen und die Schachtel somit leichter unabhängig von ihrer Funktion als Behältnis gesehen werden konnte. Mit dieser Hilfestellung löste ein ähnlich hoher Prozentsatz (83 %) wie bei den Teilnehmern in guter Stimmung (Gruppe B) die Aufgabe; ohne Hilfestellung war der Prozentsatz ähnlich niedrig (13 %) wie in Gruppe A.

  7. 7.

    Auch die Replikationsstudien von Yap et al. (2017, S. 942) hatten nicht das Ziel, den Mood-as-Information-Ansatz zu untersuchen: „[…] our goal is not to test the mood-as-information-theory.“

  8. 8.

    Der Begriff „emotionale Ansteckung“ ist insofern irreführend, als über emotionale Ansteckung nur Stimmungen und keine Emotionen ausgelöst werden können. Emotionen benötigen per definitionem ein Objekt, auf das sie gerichtet sind, und dieses kann über emotionale Ansteckung nicht mit vermittelt werden.

  9. 9.

    Wir sprechen hier von Affekt, da dieser Prozess der Differenzierung neben Emotionen auch auf Stimmungen zutrifft.

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  1. Fachgebiet Wirtschafts- und Organisationspsychologie, Universität Hohenheim, Stuttgart, Deutschland

    Lioba Werth

  2. Fachbereich Nachrichtendienste, Hochschule des Bundes für öffentliche Verwaltung, Berlin, Deutschland

    Markus Denzler

  3. Zentrum für Soziales und Ökonomisches Verhalten (C-SEB), Universität zu Köln, Köln, Deutschland

    Jennifer Mayer

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Werth, L., Denzler, M., Mayer, J. (2020). Denken und Fühlen. In: Sozialpsychologie – Das Individuum im sozialen Kontext. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-53897-5_4

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