Abstract
In face of disputes, no matter we turn to the official national authority system or the civil one, these systems themselves need a process of development. The description of this process perhaps helps us to get an in-depth understanding of power relations in rural society to facilitate the effective solution of disputes.
We functionalist anthropologists are not really “antihistorical” by principle; it is simply that we do not know how to fit historical materials into our framework of concepts.
Leach (1954: 282)
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Notes
- 1.
During the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression , democrat Li Gongpu who once conducted field investigation in North China described the meetings of the Party in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei anti-Japanese military base. He also considered the form of meeting as a demonstration of the democratic system. This record described the actual operation of the “meeting of Communist Party ” in the eyes of peasants in details. As he wrote: “The meeting system is an important part of the leadership in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei area. In the county, a county government meeting is held every month while in every two weeks there is a county affairs meeting. The joint meeting of government and citizens is held monthly to discuss the contact and coordination between government agencies and citizens. Due to the need of work, joint meetings of military, government and people can be held any time. The village office, the district government, the county government as well as the commissioner are administrative committees at different levels. There are also regular meetings in administrative committee as well as regular commissioner joint meetings. In commissioner joint meeting, work that has been done or is under progress will be reported while the policy that is going to be issued will be discussed. In the county commissioner joint meeting, commissioners will listen to the work report of each county, check the work, exchange experience and lessons of different counties, deliver the resolution of commissioner meeting to the county magistrate and assign new work. Every county will then formulate specific measures according to its actual situation, which will be fulfilled to each district in the district joint meeting and each district magistrate will discuss it with village leaders according to its own situation…” (Li 1979: 96–97).
- 2.
It is selected from the interview with a Li villager on November 17th, 1997.
- 3.
A recent research of the oral history of Land Reform in Zunhua County of Hebei Province by Fang Huirong suggested that the state power actually penetrated into the village through “research” and “complaint” (Fang 2001: Sects. 7.3 and 7.5). As to the villages I studied, the villagers were more willing to use “investigation” and “confession” to talk about the direct interference and control of their daily life by the state power in the Land Reform and Cultural Revolution . “Investigation” actually means to force villagers to disclose or testify the violations by the so-called “Land Reform ” or “Four Cleanups” working group. If any household violated the concepts or policies advocated or published by the state, the family patriarch had to confess the crimes and write down the “confession”. This operation mode of the state power in villages will be explained in details in the following text.
- 4.
Hu Zongze’s study (1997) further re-analyzed the research of the Crook couple and tried to present another field investigation of Shilidian in order to look into the changes of social structure and power pattern in Chinese rural society in recent decades. The Hinton (1991) had a lot of field impression on the “big resurgence ” of private ownership in Chinese rural society after the reform and Opening-up, which was significantly different from the egalitarianism in the Land Reform period. From the comparison of previous and later data, we can see the changes in the social structure in rural China under the guidance of the concept of modernization.
- 5.
The study of Chinese peasants’ nationalism by Chalmers A. Johnson addressed the coexistence of various forces in Chinese rural area from another point of view. He believed that the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression fully launched after 1937 in fact had completely changed the custom that peasants were not interested in state affairs. Through the wide spread of vocabularies in rural society like “Chinese traitor”, “bogus army ”, “Japanese bandits” and so on, a kind of recognition of “China” and “Chinese nation” replaced the previous recognition formed under the rule of warlord. In addition to the so-called autonomous defense, villages began to welcome all kinds of foreign forces, including communism, nationalism, secret societies, the KMT anti-Japanese forces and other leaders above the local level. These can be proved evidently from the materials of Li Village (Johnson 1962: 2–6)
- 6.
From the perspective of regional differences, Joseph Esherick and Lan Jing showed in their studies that since agricultural counties occupied the majority of the North China, there had been few squire with scholarly honor or official rank. In this case, elites in the village could contact directly with the county government, so the state power in North China was extremely powerful while it was bandit in rural area that could confront the state at that time (Esherick and Lan 1998: 159).
- 7.
It can be proved from the purpose of primary school at that time: “Unite to fight against Japan; advocate patriotism and anti-Japanese policies of the Communist Party ; adhere to national integrity, support the Communist Party and the Eighth Route Army without fear of bloodshed to fight with Japanese troops.” (Li Shengtian et al. 1993: 37)
- 8.
“Speaking for him” is a local expression, meaning helping to get the person back.
- 9.
It is selected from the “Confessions to the People” by a villager in Li Village.
- 10.
Here I want to thank Professor Liu Tieliang of Beijing Normal University. In the spring of 1997, when he paid a visit to Li Village with me, he specially led me to this plaque.
- 11.
The Yaoshan society survey of Wang Tonghui was conducted at the same time with the Yaoshan physical anthropology investigation of Fei Xiaotong. Later, Wang Tonghui died at her post, so Fei Xiaotong organized and edited her social organization survey data, which was later published. Information in this regard can be found in Fei Xiaotong’s “afterword” for the book Hualanyao Social Organization in Guangxi Xiangxian County Dongnan Village (Wang 1936).
- 12.
It is selected from the information provided by Li Meixian for getting rid of the title as “evildoer”.
- 13.
When I tried to figure out who was the person “Ma Yutang” mentioned in the text from the villagers, they replied that he was actually a bandit. And I found in the Zhaoxian County Chorography that the so-called “undercover teams” were all armed bandits. “Fan Yiran” mentioned above was also a strong local bandit, a former head of the police organization of KMT before 1937, who led some 30 people stationed in Anjia Village. After the “July 7th Incident of 1937”, he once organized the “innocent civilian armed self-defense regiment” and later he was executed by the 385 Team of the Eighth Route Army in the spring of 1939 (Hebei Province Chorography Compilation Committee 1993: 373–374).
- 14.
After the establishment of Republic of China, the neighborhood administrative system of local autonomy was adopted in various regions of Hebei Province. Qucheng Village of Dingxian County had the strictest organization settings and administration, which was “just like a small state society” (Wen 1936: 378). The village set up a “village autonomy club”, under which there were many other functional organizations including “public security coordination association”, “interest coordination association”, “education coordination association” and “public benefit coordination association”.
- 15.
It is selected from the document provided by a villager during the Cultural Revolution .
- 16.
It is selected from the document provided by a villager during the Cultural Revolution .
- 17.
The favorable sides of all counties in Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan area and Taihang area listed by Dong Zhikai included: Lingchuan, 75%; Xiyang (13 villages), 78.1%; Changzhi, 81.55%; Neiqiu, 85%; Lucheng, 81.72% (Dong 1987: 371).
- 18.
A Chinese People’s Liberation Army cadre who had participated in the Land Reform in North China collected popular ballads in that area at that time. A ballad called the “Lunar July Seventh” is the most representative one which can reveal the real meaning of the prevailing discourse “turning the past upside down”, so it is hereby to attach the full text:
On July 7th, when we wash the greasy
The water is clean and clear.
A group of wives and daughters,
talk and laugh, happily.
We don’t wash the broken oil bottles,
but the fine porcelains.
Porcelain plate, porcelain bowl and porcelain vase,
are what we got from the landlord.
Red flowers and green leaves with gilt lace,
eight plates and bowls can fill a table.
A couple of vases are placed at the door,
“blessing and wealth” is written on them.
We resembled the broken bottles in the past,
dark, dirty and muddy.
Landlords resembled porcelain,
with “chicken, duck meat and fish” in their belly.
Now we take turns,
when we become the master of the state.
We stand straight,
while the landlord lower their heads.
We live in good house,
and till good land.
Poor people turn their past upside down,
with new cloths to replace the ragged coat.
On July 7th, when we wash the greasy,
the water is clean and clear.
The plates are washed clean,
to reflect people’s smile.
When holding the porcelain bowl,
we think about the grain producer.
Poor people turn their past upside down,
thanks to Chairman Mao (Gao 1956: 32–34).
- 19.
Another purpose of the establishment of canteen was said to be the liberation of women and improvement of women’s status. According to the materials provided by Ling Zhijun, all the newspapers claimed that the reason for village built public canteens was to free women from the burden of housework. Even People’s Daily also said that Henan Province had built 320 thousand public canteens and thus liberated 6 million women (Ling 1996: 71).
- 20.
In tough times, Yue Sanhu was the secretary of Li Village. He couldn’t read, but he had to record something. So he found a literate person to record the daily work, which left valuable information for people to understand village affairs at that time. I got this little diary from the current branch secretary. In order to facilitate the quote, I’d like to call it Working Diary of Yue Sanhu. I’d like to express my thanks to Secretary Li Jingmin for his understanding and support for the academics.
- 21.
Fei Xiaotong discovered the food deficiency problem in 1957 when revisiting Jiang Village. Jiang Village produced 259,000 jin of rice in 1936 and its number reached 418,000 jin in 1956. Although there was an increase of 61%, it was actually not enough. According to Fei Xiaotong, in addition to the “big population and short of land” at that time, the main reason lay in the political tendency toward boasting and exaggeration (Fei 1986: 223), which can be seen from the memory of exaggerating food production in Great Leap Forward era among Li villagers.
- 22.
Working Diary of Yue Sanhu, October 11th, 1960.
- 23.
Working Diary of Yue Sanhu, October 23rd, 1960.
- 24.
Working Diary of Yue Sanhu, December 6th, 1960.
- 25.
Working Diary of Yue Sanhu, December 7th, 1960.
- 26.
Working Diary of Yue Sanhu, November 6th, 1960.
- 27.
Li Shiyu called the secret society the “secret religion”. In fact, as he summed up in his own research, titles for this kind of civil organizations were varied, such as “secret sect”, “sect”, “secret society religion”, “secret religious society”, “secret religious association”, “secret training association”, “secret scripture gathering”, “secret religious group”, “secret religion” as well as “inferior religion”, “lower religion”, “superstition group”, “heresy religion”, “bogus sect”, “cult religion”, “evil religion”, “heterodoxy”, “crooked road” and so on (Li 1948: 1).
- 28.
When studying secret societies, Chinese scholars often concerned about their origins (Li 1948; Qin 1993) while foreign scholars tried to understand them concerning the mass resistance movement in civil society. The study of Chesneaux (Jean Chesneaux) is the classic one in this regard, who has published several monographs on this issue, such as Chinese Secret Societies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century (Chesneaux 1971), Chinese Civil Movement and Secret Societies in 1840–1950 (Chesneaux 1972) and Peasant’s Revolt in 1840–1949 (Chesneaux 1973). Recent research on Chinese secret society can be referred to Rethink “Secret Society” edited by David Ownby and Mary Somers Heidhues (Ownby and Heidhues 1993).
- 29.
Li Shiyu’s field research on North China’s secret societies before 1947 has shown that before the establishment of People’s Republic of China, there were actually 14 secret societies or secret religions in the North China with detailed field information, namely: 1. Huangtian Sect; 2. Yiguan Sect; 3. Guiyi Sect; 4. Yixintian Sect Longhua Church; 5. Li Sect; 6. Blue Cross Sect; 7. Yellow Cross Sect; 8. World Red Cross Sect; 9. Moral Society; 10. Wushan Society; 11. Tongshan Society; 12. Salvation Protestant; 13. Shengxian Sect; 14. Jiugong Sect (Li 1948: 2). From Zhaoxian County Chorography, starting in January 1949, the so-called elimination of “superstitious sects and secret societies” within the whole county included 28 sects: Yiguan Sect, Hongyang Sect, Shengxian Sect, Returning Home Sect, Jiugong Sect, Ruyi Sect, Zuogong Sect, Dadao Sect, Good Life Sect (Hebei Province Zhaoxian County Chorography Compilation Committee 1993: 351).
- 30.
Shengxian Sect was also known as “Returning Home Sect” or “Good Life Sect”, popular in nearby villages of Zhao County. Its purpose was mainly to seek wealth for future life. Good people in this life would certainly be blessed and prosperous in afterlife. You would achieve the same level in afterlife as the one you got when you were alive in this life. In Shengxian Sect, the most attractive ceremony was called “bitter elimination”. It aimed at “clearing eyes” to see which heaven the dead stood, which street they lived, how well they ate, drinked and wore. It took money to do this ritual, ranging from five to one hundred yuan. The more you paid, in Shengxian Sect’s opinion, the higher the position of the dead would reach and better his food, clothing and housing (Yin 1989: 106–120).
- 31.
These are recorded in details in the “form for investigation of enemy in Fanzhuang Village Commune” of 1971.
- 32.
Villagers do not want to mention things related to the “superstitious sects and secret societies” even now, but from their conversation it can be felt that in the years of low index, these secret activities had already existed in the village. A villager who was once a landlord confessed in a document: “In difficult times, I was in Lvzu Sect but I left it a long time ago.”
- 33.
This was just as what Deng Xiaoping wrote in an article: “The years of 1959, 1960 and 1961 were so difficult that the people didn’t have enough to eat, let alone anything else.” (Deng 1993: 227).
- 34.
According to a village cadre, the cadres at that time ate from the same big pot as villagers. Some of them did eat or take more than they were entitled to but they were under the risk of punishment. It was most common to see that cadres ate an extra vegetable cake when there was nobody in the canteen, but it was absolutely impossible to take food home. He recalled something interesting, in the low index period, once his wife went to a village ten li away to sell bean curd for her village. When she went back, she couldn’t even identify her village. So she asked the passer-by on the street in Li Village. “Is this Li Village?” She was so famished because she ate nothing for the whole day.
- 35.
This document is not a complete one since its first page is lost. It is in the hand of Secretary Li Jingmin.
- 36.
It is selected from the document provided by a villager.
- 37.
It is selected from the document provided by a villager.
- 38.
In the No.1 document of “Zhao County Revolution Guard (71)”, there is the following text: “Follow the great teachings by Chairman Mao including ‘raise one’s vigilance and defend the motherland’ and ‘get ready to fight’, in order to know the situation promptly and accurately, guide the battles against the enemy and crack down the existing sabotage by class enemies, the investigation and registration forms are now distributed, so please fill your forms carefully….”
- 39.
The following case cited is based on the “Issue 19 of Political Work Brief edited by Political Department of Zhao County Revolutionary Committee on December 22nd, 1973” stored in Li Village.
- 40.
This temporarily united organization at village level was in fact an imitation of the particular organization at a higher level. At that time, this kind of temporary leading group could be seen everywhere from central government to province, city, county, commune (town) and production team (village), which sometimes were referred to as the “special team”. It could gather all kinds of backbones in a group. According to the village leader, some important issues could be solved quickly without obstacles from any authority. During the Cultural Revolution , the establishment of a special group to solve a practical problem required by the higher authority was seen as “a war of annihilation with the mass”. Moreover, the name of the organization resembled one of military organization in the past. For example, in the group, there was “the first in command” or “the second in command”. Generally, the secretary of the Party was “the first in command”, which was called “secretary in command” at that time. The arrangement at the village level was not as formal as that above township level. The elimination of such extravagant wedding customs was considered as “a war of the people”. The state power in the above manner can still be seen in the village today such as “tax collection”, “family planning” and “fighting against crime”, etc.
- 41.
Political Work Brief edited by Political Department of Zhao County Revolutionary Committee on December 22nd, 1973, Issue 19, pp. 4–5.
- 42.
Helen Siu considered that after the changes of life rite, though traditional style in the form was kept, the ceremony participants no longer related the ceremony with supernatural power structure . They were more concerned about the construction of actual relationship in social life. Thus, the recovery of various civil ceremonies in the present rural China made cultural fragments recycled in the new situation (Siu 1989: 134).
- 43.
The Public Security Committee of Zhufutun Production Team of Zhengding County, “How We Detected the Restoration of Counterrevolutionary Qiyang Sect”, November 17th, 1972.
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Zhao, X. (2019). Transition of Power Structure. In: Power and Justice. China Academic Library. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-53834-0_7
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