Safeguarding National Unity, Opposing National Separatism

Hao, Shiyuan

doi:10.1007/978-3-662-48462-3_5

Shiyuan Hao²

Part of the book series: China Academic Library ((CHINALIBR))

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Abstract

China has suffered in recent history from continuous aggression by imperialist powers as well as the erosion of its sovereignty during a century of humiliation that included occupation, dismemberment and division. Since the First Opium War in 1840, Britain, France, Germany, the United States, Italy, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Russian Empire, the Netherlands, Spain, Portugal and Japan have all carried out acts of aggression against China by land or by sea, which can be described as unique even among continents and countries that have suffered from Western imperialism and colonialism in recent times. As a result, the historical legacy of nationality issues left by imperialism is particularly onerous.

Tibet is part of Chinese territory, and the Tibet question is China’s internal affair. The PLA must enter Tibet.

–Mao Zedong , “The PLA Must Enter Tibet”

Regarding Cross-Strait reunification – For Taiwan to be reunified with the mainland, first of all, it is a national question, a question of national sentiments. All members of the Chinese nation want to see China reunified. The present state of division is contrary to our national will.

–Deng Xiaoping in reply to American TV correspondent Mike Wallace

Since the founding of New China , we have waged a constant struggle with anti-China forces and ethnic separatist forces over Tibet and Xinjiang. Maintaining stability in these areas, countering the disruptive activities of anti-China forces and ethnic separatist forces, and safeguarding national unity and reunifying the motherland are all of tremendous significance for ensuring the smooth progress of reform, opening up and modernization, and for the long-term peace and stability of our Party and country.

–Jiang Zemin , “Let the Party and State’s Voices Be Heard in Millions of Homes in Tibet, Xinjiang and Other Border Areas”

Crack down on ethnic separatist forces and their activities in accordance with law; firmly oppose domestic and foreign hostile forces that use nationality issues to infiltrate China and carry out disruptive activities; and resolutely safeguard national unity, reunification of the motherland, national security, and social stability.

–Hu Jintao , “Report at the Central Conference on Nationality Work”

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Notes

1.
Veritable Records of Qing Emperor Qianlong (28), Taiwan Chinese Book Co., Ltd., Taipei, 1969, Vol. 1397, p. 20766.
2.
Cf. Lian Heng (2006), pp. 42–45.
3.
Mapping Department of the People’s Publishing House (1997), p. 18.
4.
Fleming (1961), p. 3.
5.
Mapping Department of the People’s Publishing House (1997), p. 32.
6.
Peter Fleming, op. cit, p. 247.
7.
Hao Shiyuan and Du Shiwei (2007), pp. 87–88.
8.
Jiang Niandong et al. (1980), p. 87.
9.
Cf. Wu Yungui and Zhou Xiefan (2000), p. 146.
10.
Cf. Li Sheng (2003), p. 157.
11.
Stavrianos (1998).
12.
Fu Kang’an (1988), p. 209.
13.
Zhou Weizhou (2001), p. 76.
14.
Alex Mckay, “We Want a United Tibet,” Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904–1947, Routledge, p. 196.
15.
Stein (1999), p. 103.
16.
Cf., Ekrall (1960).
17.
Cf. Alex Mckay, “We Want a United Tibet,” Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904–1947, Routledge.
18.
Mckay (2003a).
19.
Alex Mckay, “We Want a United Tibet,” Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904–1947, Routledge, p. 198.
20.
Cf. Zhang Zhirong (2005), pp. 226–227.
21.
Zhou Weizhou and Zhou Yuan (2008), p. 14.
22.
Ibid., p. 36.
23.
Ibid.
24.
Goldstein (1989), p. 76.
25.
Cf. Candler (1905).
26.
McKay (2003b, pp. 653–657.
27.
Cf. Mckay (2003a).
28.
Cf. ibid.
29.
Agehananda Bharati, “Fictitious Tibet: The Origin and Persistence of Rampaism,” http://www.serendipity.li/baba/rampa.html
30.
McKay (2003b), p. 656.
31.
Jiang Niandong et al. (1980), p. 607.
32.
Cf. Chen Chia-Hung (1998), p. 50.
33.
Sun Yun (2007), p. 15.
34.
Chang Mau-kuei (1997), p. 48.
35.
Cf. Huntington (1991), p. 62.
36.
The Jungli Incident refers to the civil unrest that followed accusations by non-party forces that the KMT was guilty of fraud during the 1977 local elections. The police station in Jungli was surrounded by people and set alight, which led to the army being called in. The next day, the Taiwanese authorities announced it would bring to justice the scrutineers involved. Calm was restored when Hsu Hsin-Liang, who not affiliated with the party, was elected leader of Taoyuan County. The Kaohsiung Incident refers to the political conflict that took place between the KMT and Formosa magazine published by opposition forces in 1979. On the 30th anniversary of the publication of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the magazine held an International Memorial Conference and Procession on Human Rights. The procession, which was led by the manager of the magazine, Shih Ming-teh, clashed violently with police and military police. After the incident, authorities arrested the people in charge of Formosa magazine, and sentenced Shih Ming-teh, Huang Shin-chieh, Lu Hsiu-lien and others to prison sentences. This incident had a major impact on the changes that occurred in Taiwan’s political and social situation in the 1980s. Cf. Liu Hong and Zheng Qingyong (2001), pp. 91–95.
37.
Cf. Wang Fu -chang, “Consensus on Taiwan’s Anti-Government Movement: A Comparison of the 1979 and 1989 Peaks,” Taiwan Political Science Review, the Taiwanese Political Science Association, July 1996, No. 1, p. 173.
38.
In 1983, a Taiwan University student from the Gaoshan nationality started a campus publication called Gao Shan Qing, which was seen as the start of the minority nationality movement. In 1984, the Association for the Promotion of Rights of Indigenous People was established. This moved Taiwan’s minority nationality movement to the more organized stage of issuing political declarations. Cf. Lin Shu-ya (2000), pp. 74, 397.
39.
Song Guangyu (2007), p. 177.
40.
Taiwan’s “localization” refers to “Taiwanization” and, at the political level, “it exaggerates the existence of Taiwan, maintains that the political regimes of Chiang Kai-shek , Chiang Ching-kuo, Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian mean that Taiwan is an ‘independent sovereign state,’ and implies that Taiwan should become independent from China’s mainland.” Xu Jielin (2002), p. 42.
41.
Wang Fu -chang, “Consensus on Taiwan’s Anti-Government Movement: A Comparison of the 1979 and 1989 Peaks,” Taiwan Political Science Review, published by the Taiwanese Political Science Association, July 1996, p. 183.
42.
Chang Mau-kuei (1997), p. 53.
43.
Cf. Sun Yun (2007), p. 16.
44.
A quote from a secondary source: Chen Chia-Hung (1998), p. 53.
45.
Ibid., p. 56.
46.
Cf. Yang Lixian (2008), pp. 60–66.
47.
Cf. Shen Zhihua (2007), pp. 77–79.
48.
Cf. Li Sheng (2003), p. 197.
49.
Hao Shiyuan and Du Shiwei (2007), p. 91.
50.
Mao Zedong (1987a), p. 316.
51.
Cf. Shakya (2000).
52.
Mao Zedong (2008a), p. 34.
53.
Mao Zedong (2008b), p. 50.
54.
Cf. Shakya (2000).
55.
Cf. Knaus (1999), pp. 1–2.
56.
Ibid., p. 25.
57.
Li Jianglin (2010), pp. 147, 148, 158.
58.
The Dalai Lama (1991), p. 140.
59.
Cf. Knaus (1999), pp. 1–2.
60.
Mao Zedong (2008c), p. 110.
61.
Mao Zedong (2008d), p. 152.
62.
The Dalai Lama (1991), p. 111.
63.
Mao Zedong (2008e), p. 154.
64.
Mao Zedong (2008d), pp. 151–152.
65.
Mao Zedong (2008f), p. 114.
66.
Mao Zedong (2008g), p. 131.
67.
The CPC History Data Collection Committee of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the Leading Group of the Tibet Military Area for Collecting CPC History Data (1995), p. 17.
68.
Mao Zedong (2008g), p. 131.
69.
The Dalai Lama (1991), p.101.
70.
Cf. Knaus (1999).
71.
The Dalai Lama (1991), p. 198.
72.
Ibid., p. 122.
73.
Cf. Tang Jiawei (2003), pp. 409–456.
74.
Blondeau et al. (2011), Preface iv.
75.
Jia Qinglin (2010), p. 273.
76.
Cf. Hao Shiyuan (1998).
77.
Mao Zedong (2008h), p. 205.
78.
Cf. Wang Chen (2010).
79.
Mao Zedong (2008i), p. 209.
80.
Mao Zedong (1987b), p. 142.
81.
Mao Zedong , “Revisions of the Political Report to the Second Session of the Second CPPCC National Committee,” Works of Mao Zedong Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China, ibid., p. 33.
82.
“Message of the Ministry of Defense of the People’s Republic of China to Our Taiwan Compatriots,” the CPC Central Committee’s Party Literature Research Office (ed.), Collected Works of Mao Zedong, People’s Publishing House, Beijing, 1999, Vol. VII, p. 420.
83.
Cf. Li Songlin and Yang Jianying (2009), p. 117.
84.
Ibid., p. 118.
85.
Deng Xiaoping (1998), p. 91.
86.
“Talk About the Taiwan Question When Meeting with American Friend Arch Steele,” ibid., p. 97.
87.
“Talk about the Taiwan Question with Hedley Donovan, an Editor in Chief of Time Inc. of the United States,” ibid., p. 170.
88.
“Talk with Japanese Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira,” ibid., p. 175.
89.
“Talk with Yao Tzu Li, President of the Chinese American Association,” ibid., p. 212.
90.
“Talk with the US Ambassador Arthur William Hummel, Jr. on the Eve of the Publication of the Sino-US Joint Communiqué,” ibid., p. 229.
91.
“Talk with US Secretary of State George Shultz,” ibid., p. 248.
92.
“Talk with Thomas O’Neill, Jr., Speaker of the United States House of Representatives,” ibid., p. 251.
93.
Deng Xiaoping (1993), p. 30.
94.
Deng Xiaoping , “One Country, Two Systems,” ibid., p. 61.
95.
Jiang Zemin (2006a), p. 420.
96.
Ibid., p. 42.
97.
Jiang Zemin (2006b), p. 153.
98.
Lin Cho-shui (2006), p. 213.
99.
Cf. Smith (1995), pp. 68, 71.
100.
Wang Ming-huey, “Space for the Nationalism of Taiwan’s Indigenous People: From a Social Movement to National Development,” Regional Research Center, Department of Geography, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, at http://www.geo.ntnu.edu.tw/geoweb/perildical/ntnu/rshrpt/no31.
101.
“New Partnership,” Chinese Times, Taiwan, October 20, 2002, at http://ntw.com.tw/1004/103.htm.
102.
Cf. Sun Yun (2007), p. 183.
103.
Zhu De (2010), p. 25.
104.
Peng Dehuai, “Telegraph to Mao Zedong on the Work in Xinjiang,” ibid., p. 39.
105.
“Current Policies of the Xinjiang Provincial People’s Government,” ibid., p. 45.
106.
Liu Shaoqi , “Telegraph to Wang Zhen and Xi Zhongxun on Keeping Unchanged the Land of Temples and Monasteries and Other Questions in the Land Reform,” ibid., p. 85.
107.
Cf. Peng Dehuai, “Telegraph to Mao Zedong on the Work in Xinjiang,” ibid., p. 39.
108.
“Guidelines of the Central Financial and Economic Committee on Xinjiang’s Financial and Economic Problems,” ibid., p. 91.
109.
“Application of the Xinjiang Military Area for Establishing the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps,” ibid., p. 117.
110.
“Comments of the CPC Central Committee on the Decision of the CPC Xinjiang Sub-Bureau and the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Military Area on the Need for Agricultural Production and Construction Troops in Xinjiang to Give Greater Support to the Efforts of Farmers of All Nationalities to Increase Agricultural Production Centered on Mutual Assistance and Cooperation,” ibid., p. 127.
111.
Zhu De , “Developing Production and Strengthening National Unity in Xinjiang,” ibid., pp. 208, 210.
112.
Mao Zedong , “Xinjiang Must Do Its Economic Work Well and Strengthening National Unity,” ibid., p. 228.
113.
Zhou Enlai , “Strive to Build a New Revolutionary Xinjiang,” ibid., p. 230.
114.
Deng Xiaoping, “Prospects for Xinjiang Are Bright,” ibid., p. 238.
115.
Deng Xiaoping, “In Xinjiang, Stability Is of Overriding Importance and Selecting Cadres Is Crucial,” ibid., p. 253.
116.
“Minutes of a Meeting of the Secretariat of CPC on Work in Xinjiang,” ibid., p. 251.
117.
“Decision of the CPC Central Committee, the State Council and the Central Military Commission on Reinstating the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps,” ibid., p. 255.
118.
Cf. Li Sheng (ed.), China’s Xinjiang: Past and Present, p. 348.
119.
Cf. Zhao Changqing (1999), p. 214.
120.
Jiang Zemin (2010), p. 319.
121.
Jiang Zemin, “Strengthening Regional Cooperation and Safeguarding Regional Peace and Security,” ibid., pp. 445, 446.
122.
Ibid., p. 450.
123.
Cf. the State Council Information Office, “It Is the East Turkistan Terrorists to Blame,” ibid., pp. 729–738.
124.
Jiang Zemin , “Correctly Understanding the History of Xinjiang and Resolutely Opposing National Separation,” ibid., p. 471.
125.
Hu Jintao, “Thoroughly Implement the Scientific Outlook on Development and Strive to Promote Significant Development and Lasting Stability in Xinjiang,” ibid., p. 707.
126.
Hu Jintao, “Speech at a Meeting Commemorating the 90th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China” at http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2011-07/01/. This reference will not be cited again in further quotations from it.
127.
Jiang Zemin (2010), p. 319.
128.
Liu Shaoqi , “Xinjiang’s Animal Husbandry, Agriculture and Industry and Other Issues,” ibid., p. 235.
129.
Hu Jintao (2010), p. 81.
130.
Cf. Hao Shiyuan (2011), Theory Weekly.
131.
“Report of the Law Enforcement Inspection Team of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on the Implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy ,” the State Ethnic Affairs Commission and the CPC Central Committee ’s Party Literature Research Office (eds.), Selected Documents on Our Work Related to Nationalities (2003–09), Central Party Literature Publishing House, Beijing, 2010, p. 189.
132.
Yang Kai-huang (2009), p. 3.
133.
Hu Jintao, “Let Us Join Hands to Promote the Peaceful Development of Cross-Straits Relations and Strive with a United Will for the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation,” http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2008-12/31/. This reference will not be cited again in further quotations from it.
134.
Cf. “Hu Jintao Meets with a Visit-Mainland Delegation Headed by Wu Po-hsiung” at http://www.gov.cn/ldhd/2009-05/26/.
135.
Yang Kai-huang (2009), p. 48.

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Shiyuan Hao

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Hao, S. (2016). Safeguarding National Unity, Opposing National Separatism. In: How the Communist Party of China Manages the Issue of Nationality. China Academic Library. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-48462-3_5

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