Abstract
In Germany and in other European countries, a ban on headscarves is in essence a ban on working for those Muslim women who wear headscarves, and also entails the social marginalisation of these women. In other countries, a requirement to wear a headscarf not only leads to social condemnation and a ban on women who refrain from wearing one from working, but also presents a risk to their lives. A political regulation on clothing for women’s hair therefore has a gender and ethnopolitical aspect, and, at the end of the day, a security policy aspect.
In part, the headscarf is politicised due to the fact that some Islamic organisations attempt to enforce it on Muslim women, or on women in general. However, it ultimately takes on a political nature when the legislator forbids it or makes it obligatory. The headscarf can also be de-politicised, however, if one treats it as being simply an item of clothing worn at the discretion of the individual. This opens up numerous political options when it comes to the headscarf issue, which will probably play an important role in public debate for years and even decades to come. In Germany and Europe, it is always the fundamental question that is at issue as to whether immigrant ethno-religious minorities must assimilate to a large degree, or whether the legal, political and social integration of the immigrants may also include the publicly demonstrated preservation of ethno-religious difference. By contrast, the subject of debate in Turkey and Bosnia is whether the laicism decreed by the state can be replaced by a greater degree of tolerance towards religion, whereby at the same time, a decisive step is taken towards preventing the risk of a theocratic dictatorship. For the latter, the obligation to wear a headscarf is an important symbol of power in terms of its ideas, which are an infringement of human rights, about the role of women.
From the history of laicism, state religions and religious tolerance, the three fundamental political positions emerge of excluding religion and religious communities from state life, the dominant role of a religion or confession in a state and not only in society, and religious toleration and equality between a religious-confessional majority and minority.
An advisable course is a policy of conscious de-politicisation of the headscarf and the acknowledgement of ethno-religious difference in public life as well as in schools, although it can be assumed that such a policy will not hold sway in Germany, France and several other countries for a long time to come.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Loi no. 2004-228 du 15 mars 2004 encadrant, en application du principe de laïcité, le port de signes ou de tenues manifestant une appartenance religieuse dans les écoles, collèges et lycées publics, http://legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000000417977&dateTexte=&categorieLien=id
- 3.
“The paradox in this case lies in the fact that a woman is denied access in the name of her emancipation” (Rommelspacher 2002, p. 123).
- 4.
Extreme examples of the political instrumentalisation of the requirement to war a headscarf were frequently cited following the judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court of 2003, e.g. Cziesche et al. (2003).
- 5.
- 6.
In Switzerland, 57.5Â % of citizens, with voter participation of 53.4Â %, decided in a referendum that no new minarets should be allowed to be built. The construction of new mosques is not affected, http://www.nzz.ch/aktuell/startseite/minarett-initiative-hochrechnung-annahme-1.4079737
- 7.
- 8.
Schwarzer (2003).
- 9.
Lazzarini (2009, pp. 122–131).
- 10.
Urteil des Zweiten Senats des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 24.9.2003, http://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de/entscheidungen/rs20030924_2bvr143602.html. By 2009, six juristic dissertations had already been written on the Ludin case, according to Lazzarini (2009, p. 11).
- 11.
In the interim, she has published her experiences and views in a book: Ludin and Abed (2015).
- 12.
With a new resolution of 27 January 2015, the First Senate of the Federal Constitutional Court has declared a general ban on headscarves (a ban on any external symbol of religious affiliation) for female teachers as being in breach of the constitution. However, it is permissible to ban the headscarf in any school if it negatively impacts school peace. This judgement increases the potential for triggering a debate in numerous schools over what and who negatively impacts school peace, the woman who wears the headscarf or many pupils or parents who are against it. It also fails to state clearly who has the right in such a case to ban a headscarf, see https://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de/SharedDocs/Pressemitteilungen/DE/2015/bvg15-014.html; on this subject, see Wefing (2015, p. 11).
- 13.
- 14.
Delmas (2006).
- 15.
“Dans les écoles, les collèges et les lycées publics, le port de signes ou tenues par lesquels les élèves manifestent ostensiblement une appartenance religieuse est interdit. Le règlement intérieur rappelle que la mise en oeuvre d'une procédure disciplinaire est précédée d'un dialogue avec l'élève”, http://legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000000417977&dateTexte=&categorieLien=id
- 16.
In Turkey, in recent years, the headscarf ban was abolished by the conservative AKP government (Party for Justice and Development) for universities in 2010 and for schools from the 5th grade upwards in 2013, and also in 2013 for some areas of state service and in parliament, see the reports in Spiegel online, http://www.spiegel.de/unispiegel/studium/verbotsstopp-in-der-tuerkei-suemeyra-legt-das-kopftuch-an-a-723590.html; http://www.spiegel.de/schulspiegel/ausland/tuerkei-erlaubt-kopftuecher-fuer-schuelerinnen-an-gymnasien-a-993270.html; http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/tuerkei-erdogan-mildert-kopftuchverbot-fuer-staatsbedienstete-ab-a-925275.html
- 17.
See the summary of the Institut für europäisches Verfassungsrecht der Universität Trier, http://www.uni-trier.de/index.php?id=24373. All these federal state laws must now be revised in conformance with the judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court of 27 January 2015.
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Jahn, E. (2015). The Dispute Over the Veil. The Conflict Between Laicism (The Separation of State and Religion) and Religious Tolerance. In: German Domestic and Foreign Policy. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47929-2_3
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