Abstract
In 2005, to mark the 60th anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations, a concerted attempt was made to expand the UN Security Council, in which Germany has expressed its interest for over a decade. This attempt failed, and is highly unlikely to be successful in the near future. There is consensus only with regard to the fact that the number of members of the Security Council should be increased and the geographical distribution of the seats should be made more representative. There was already widespread agreement that India, Japan, Germany, Brazil and two African states should be accepted as permanent members of the Security Council, while three or four additional states should become non-permanent members. However, it remained unclear which African states should be given preference (South Africa, Nigeria, Egypt), and above all, whether and when the new permanent Security Council members should be given the right of veto, or even whether the old members should relinquish or limit their right of veto.
All governing parties of the united Germany are in favour of Germany being granted a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, without having or seeking much support for such a move among the population. However, observers from the academic and public spheres see this as being a re-nationalisation of German global policy, while others are in favour of a reduction to a single “European” seat in the Security Council.
Since any revision of the Charter is an extremely difficult task, the UN system has to date adapted in part to the new challenges primarily through a dynamic interpretation of the Charter and the foundation of numerous new sub-organs, separate organs and separate organisations. Here, there is also an opportunity for promising reform efforts in the foreseeable future. The legitimacy of decisions made by the Security Council can be considerably strengthened by creating new auxiliary organs in accordance with Art. 29, through more extensive recourse to regional agreements and organs in accordance with Articles 52 and 53, and through the stronger involvement of the General Assembly in accordance with Articles 10–12 of the UN Charter, as a result of which non-members of the Security Council can also be involved in its decision-making process. In a sub-organ of the Security Council for peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations, both the main funders and the states which provide the troops, police and civilian personnel can be granted rights to participate in the preparation of peace missions by the Security Council. As a global economic power, Germany has numerous unexploited opportunities to bring its great influence to bear on the policies of the UN, prevent and eliminate threats to freedom and thwart breaches of the peace and acts of aggression.
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Resolution A/Res/48/26 of 3 December 1993 on the establishment of an “Open-ended Working Group to Consider all Aspects of the Question of Increase in the Membership of the Security Council, and Other Matters Related to the Security Council”, http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r026.htm.
- 3.
Art. 108 of the UN Charter, cf. Simma et al. (2012).
- 4.
Gareis (2006).
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Thus in 1997, the president of the General Assembly, Ismail Razali, presented a proposal to establish five new permanent seats without the right of veto, and four non-permanent seats, cf. Fröhlich et al. (2005, p. 11).
- 6.
In July 2005, there was informally almost a two-thirds majority in the UN General Assembly in favour of the reform proposals by the G 4 (Japan, Germany, India, Brazil) for an extension of the UN Security Council to 25 members (6 new permanent seats, of which two were to go to African states, initially without a right of veto, and 4 new non-permanent members from Latin America, Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe).
- 7.
Samuel Huntington for example proposed that Japan, India, Africa, Latin America and the European Union should receive a permanent seat, which should be occupied according to the rotation principle. Great Britain and France should lose their seat, so that the Security Council would have nine permanent members (Huntington 2011, p. 317).
- 8.
On the relationship between representation and efficiency see Müller (2006).
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To this extent, the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014 is a grave breach of taboo in international politics since the end of the Second World War, the consequences of which cannot yet be foreseen.
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The journals Vereinte Nationen and Friedenswarte are important channels in this debate.
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Jahn, E. (2015). Should Germany Be a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council? On the Efforts to Reform the United Nations. In: German Domestic and Foreign Policy. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47929-2_14
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