Abstract
Immediately after the end of the conflict between east and west, Francis Fukuyama advocated the thesis that following the downfall of the fascist, National Socialist and communist systems of rule, the liberal democratic system of rule was the only one that could successfully claim universal validity. In 1993, Samuel Huntington presented the counter-thesis that western liberal democracy can only have a regional reach, and that it would have to dissociate itself from seven other, predominantly religious-philosophically defined civilisations and to assert itself culturally, politically and militarily in a dispute spanning several decades. Huntington’s depiction of international relations as a clash of civilisations was met with considerable support worldwide, as well as attracting vehement opposition by adherents of a certain type of cultural globalisation, in particular of universal values such as human rights, democracy, the rule of law, social justice and ecological balance. Huntington regarded inner-state multiculturalism as being a risk to the west in particular, although at the same time, he supported interstate and wider regional multiculturalism.
Most severe and violent conflicts since the collapse of communist party dominance have occurred within the major civilisations and religious communities, whereby state, national and ethnic interests play a far greater role than those of religious communities. While for a long time, the primary responsibility for wars and the destruction of human life was assigned to the religions, since the atrocities committed under National Socialist and communist rule at the latest, atheism has forfeited its claims to moral superiority. Since the mid-1970s, when communism lost its intellectual attractiveness for the human striving for freedom without the alternative principles of socialism or liberalism and democracy being able to accept its inheritance, a certain renaissance of social and political significance of the religions can be observed. Since then, religious-culturally based conflicts have played a significantly greater role than in previous decades, although an incomparably lesser one than during the centuries of religious and confessional wars. These wars reflect the ambivalence of the religions. On the one hand, they can legitimise war, violence and atrocities, while on the other, they retain in their holy writings and traditions the potential for shared, ecumenical justifications for humanity and the promotion of peace. Not liberal-democratic missionary wars, but the non-simultaneous, sometimes slow learning processes of the peoples offer a chance for a global-human culture or civilisation, and provide impetus for further international organisation.
Lecture given on 15.7.2013.
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- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
In the final section of his book, Huntington creates a scenario for what in his view is an improbable but possible emergence of a world war arising from a dispute between China and Vietnam over several islands in the South China Sea, Huntington (2011, p. 313).
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Huntington (2011, p. 272).
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“From a civilizational viewpoint, clearly Japan and India should be permanent members, and Africa, Latin America, and the Muslim world should have permanent seats, which could be occupied on a rotating basis by the leading states of those civilizations.” The French and British seats should be consolidated into a single European Union seat, which would also be occupied according to a rotation principle by one European country respectively, in the same way as the African, Islamic and Latin American seat. All major civilisations would thus have one seat each, while only the west would have two, “an allocation broadly representative of the distribution of people, wealth, and power in the world.” (Huntington 2011, p. 317).
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Huntington (2011, p. 91)
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Huntington (2011, p. 91). In a footnote in a completely different part of the book, he does however concede, in contradiction to the entire argumentation of his book, that there is a possibility of a global culture that “supplements or replaces” the individual civilizations (p. 57). He also restricts the validity of his theses to the end of the twentieth century and the first half of the twenty-first century.
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On the non-violent notions of God, see Baudler (2005, pp. 53–165).
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On the levels of exchange, see e.g. Küng (1990, pp. 167–171).
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Huntington (2011, p. 47).
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Morgenthau (1948).
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Huntington (2011, p. 29).
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Fukuyama (1992).
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Müller (2001, pp. 54–57).
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See the related figures given in Huntington (2011).
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Huntington (2011, p. 208, 245, 252).
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- 18.
Huntington (2011, pp. 269–270, 272–274).
- 19.
Huntington (1991).
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Huntington (2011, pp. 320–321).
- 21.
Huntington (2011, p. 42).
- 22.
For a more detailed discussion, see Elias (1978).
- 23.
On the creation of the term “civilisation” during the second half of the eighteenth century (Elias 1978).
- 24.
For example in Axt (1994, p. 96).
- 25.
This is how Glasenapp with J. J. M. de Groot describe the religious concepts that are also contained in the principles of Confucianism and Taoism in Glasenapp (2001, p. 142).
- 26.
See e.g. Kramer (2011).
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- 28.
Küng (1990, p. 56 et seq., 80–90).
- 29.
On the origins of the cult of violence, see Baudler (2005, pp. 16–50).
- 30.
Toynbee (1976).
- 31.
Jaspers dated the pivotal period at between 800 and 200 B.C., in Jaspers (1953).
- 32.
Pinker (2011).
- 33.
However, Syria was excluded, certainly only temporarily, from the OIC in August 2012.
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Jahn, E. (2015). The Present Clash of Religious Communities and Regional Civilisations in the Global Civilising Process. In: World Political Challenges. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47912-4_8
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