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Linguistic Assimilation of All Citizens or Minority Protection: The Precedent Set by the Åland Islands

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Abstract

The Åland Islands, which are situated in the Baltic Sea at the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia, belong to Finland but are almost exclusively inhabited by ethnic Swedes, and enjoy an extensive autonomy that acts as a model example for minority protection, and which today is regarded as setting a standard for an alternative to national secession. The islands, which have an important geostrategic function in the Baltic Sea, were demilitarised and neutralised. During the Åland conflict after 1918, Sweden demanded the annexation of the islands to Sweden, citing as the reason the right to self-determination of the people of Åland, while Finland insisted on its territorial integrity. The League of Nations confirmed that Åland belonged to the territory of Finland, but pushed for its extensive autonomy. The autonomy already granted unilaterally by Finland in May 1920 was secured by a resolution of the League of Nations in June 1921, and was then also anchored in the Finnish constitution. The League of Nations was to monitor and guarantee the maintenance of the autonomy ruling, but had never had to deal with complaints from either one side or the other. With the dissolution of the League of Nations in 1946, this international guarantee also vanished. However, to date, neither Sweden nor Finland has questioned the autonomy ruling.

In many ethnonational and territorial conflicts, reference is made to the Åland autonomy model, for example until just a few years ago for East Timor, Southern Sudan and Kosovo, for the de-facto states in the southern Caucasus and Transnistria, for Northern Cyprus or even for the Kuril Islands. However, here, many of the factors that facilitate the Åland ruling are ignored, such as the important role played by the Swedish culture and language in Finland, which continued to have an effect when that country achieved independence over a hundred years after its separation from Sweden and its liberation from the rule of Russia, the fact that the islands are inhabited almost solely by ethnic Swedes, the military weakness of both neighbour states, their interest in membership of the League of Nations and a recognition of its security interests by the major western powers, the liberal democratic political order in both countries, and more besides.

Although there is almost no other conflict situation in which the Åland conflict regulation can be simply imitated, it does contain several fundamental principles that could also be taken into account when developing conflict regulations in other situations, such as the securing of the linguistic and cultural existence, the very extensive territorial autonomy even for an extremely small minority and free communication with the co-national neighbouring state while at the same time recognising the territorial integrity of the existing state.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See the articles on Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, the southern Caucasus, Kurdistan, Cyprus, Palestine, Darfur, Mali, Kashmir, Tibet and Xinjiang in: Politische Streitfragen, Vol. 1 (2008), Vol. 3 (2012) and Vol. 4. (2014).

  2. 2.

    The Charter of the United Nations includes among its goals the creation of friendly relations between the nations, based on the respect for the basic principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples (Article 1, clause 2). In order to pursue its goals, the members of the UN should “refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state” (Article 2, clause 4).

  3. 3.

    However, to date, there are considerable controversies in international jurisprudence and in politics regarding the precise legal character of the right to self-determination, in particular regarding the bearer of this right, the people or the nation; see the recent work on this subject, Fisch (2011). However, the older literature is also of importance, e.g. Thürer (1976), Heidelmeyer (1973), Sureda (1973), Rabl (1973) and Decker (1955).

  4. 4.

    Mack (1993, p. 137).

  5. 5.

    Gütermann (1979, p. 30, note 51).

  6. 6.

    In the literature on the Åland issue, it is incidentally mentioned in passing that the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia that had already flared up over Nagorno-Karabakh was presented to the Council of the League of Nations in 1921, but that it found no resolution to the conflict (Jansson 1997, p. 3).

  7. 7.

    Burger (1964), Ackrén (2011), Loughlin and Daftary (1998), Daftary (2000), Nauclér (2007) and Spiliopoulou Åkermark (2011).

  8. 8.

    The essential reference on the creation of the agreements remains Viefhaus (1960).

    Accordingly, territorial autonomy was only to be created for Carpatho-Russia (Ukraine) within the Czechoslovak Republic (p. 210), which was never realised, however.

  9. 9.

    In German international jurisprudence, occasional attempts are being made to deny statehood from the de-facto states, and to describe them as de-facto regimes, thus since Frowein (1968). According to the traditional principle of international law, the international recognition of states is not a decisive criterion for statehood, since many states have only been recognized by some states, but not by others, e.g. during the period following 1949 with regard to the People’s Republic of China, or the GDR, today the Republic of China.

  10. 10.

    ÅSUB (2013, p. 3).

  11. 11.

    ÅSUB (2013, p. 4).

  12. 12.

    The text of both agreements in Gardberg (1995, pp. 90–97).

  13. 13.

    On the thoroughly fractured relationship between Woodrow Wilson and the right to self-determination of the peoples, which he was also only willing to grant to European peoples, see Ambrosius (2008), Clements (1992) and Walworth (1986).

  14. 14.

    Viefhaus (1960, p. 175).

  15. 15.

    Kintz (1998, p. 25). Accordingly, France did not ratify the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages of 1992.

  16. 16.

    For a detailed account, see Viefhaus (1960, pp. 74–100).

  17. 17.

    For more detailed information on this subject, see the lecture “A Global-Human Perspective: the United National States of Europe and the World”, p. 16 et seq.

  18. 18.

    For a detailed account of the frequently changing strategic situation in the Baltic Sea and northern Europe, and of the various attempts to use the Åland Islands as a negotiating object for political-military alliances of Finland and Sweden, see Gardberg (1995).

  19. 19.

    See Jussila et al. (1999, pp. 107–123) and Hoesch (2009, pp. 112–120).

  20. 20.

    According to Gardberg (1995, p. 9), the German troops already left Åland in the summer of 1918.

  21. 21.

    Sureda (1973, p. 30).

  22. 22.

    For a detailed account see Mack (1993, pp. 138–142) and Sureda (1973, pp. 29–34).

  23. 23.

    Wahlberg (1993, pp. 14–21).

  24. 24.

    Modeen (1997, p. 69). Today, only 295,000 Swedish speakers remain in Finland (5.8 % of the total population).

  25. 25.

    Modeen (1997, p. 68).

  26. 26.

    Regarding further stipulations of the language law of 1922, see Modeen (1997, p. 72 et seq). Today, a municipality is bilingual when there are at least 8 % or at least 3.000 Swedish-speaking persons. Daftary (2000, p. 14).

  27. 27.

    Act on the Autonomy of Åland, Mariehamn 2004.

  28. 28.

    Spiliopoulu Åkermark (2009).

  29. 29.

    Of 1296 students from Åland in 2012, 343 studied in Finland and 880 in Sweden, in ÅSUB (2013, p. 21).

  30. 30.

    Faroese self-administration model preferred: http://forum.faroe-islands.de/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t=790&sid=e9ee0983e70826ac8904f25613e1727e (retrieved on 10.3.2014).

  31. 31.

    On the political debate in Åland on this issue, see Eriksson et al. (2006, p. 117).

  32. 32.

    Scarpulla (1999, pp. 84–90).

  33. 33.

    Loughlin and Daftary (1998), see also Myntti and Scheinin (1997, p. 143).

  34. 34.

    Lindström (1997, p. 237 et seq). For a detailed account of the consequences of the entry into the EU for the autonomy see Fagerlund (1997).

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Jahn, E. (2015). Linguistic Assimilation of All Citizens or Minority Protection: The Precedent Set by the Åland Islands. In: World Political Challenges. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47912-4_14

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