Abstract
Since the Ottoman Empire was brought to an end by the First World War, Iraq has stood at the centre of an ongoing crisis in the Near and Middle East, and of attempts to bring a new order to the region. Britain and France attempted for decades to assert their imperial hegemony over the region, sometimes exploiting the pan-Arab and individual Arab nationalisms, and sometimes in conflict with them. During the 1950s, the USA made an unsuccessful attempt to bring Iraq into the net of encirclement of the Soviet Union that spanned the globe (Baghdad Pact). However, it did succeed, along with the two former colonial powers, in playing off against each other the ethnic and state nations of the region, which were beginning to emerge in a painstaking process, and in preventing the creation of a regional great power through armament in doses and occasional political and military intervention. Thus, Iraqi aggression against Iran was supported during the 1980s, while at the same time a victory on the part of Iraq was avoided. With support from almost the entire world, the USA was able to restore the oil-rich, undemocratic monarchy of Kuwait in August 1990 after just a few months following the Iraqi conquest of the country, without the USA and the UN being able to establish a blueprint for lasting peace in the region.
The US government under George W. Bush claimed that Saddam Hussein’s Iraq already had atomic and chemical weapons of mass destruction, and that it was also providing a base for transnational terrorism. However, the USA was unable to persuade the UN Security Council to vote in favour of military intervention, and as a result decided to topple the regime under Saddam Hussein in an alliance with 35 other states through a war of intervention, and succeeded in doing so within a few weeks in the spring of 2003. This victory of the US-led intervention forces over the regular Iraqi troop units merely led to an irregular terrorist war with a high loss of life. Elections legitimised an ethno-religious redistribution of power in favour of the Arab Shiites and the Kurds, without really being able to stabilise the state along federalist-democratic lines or to pacify the region by the time the last US fighting troops were pulled out in August 2010. The basic issues of the West’s policy in the Near and Middle East remain the same: (a) preventing the emergence of a regional great power, and (b) the arsenal of mass destruction that would make this possible, (c) the restoration of western hegemony over the exploitation of oil in the region, (d) the containment of Islamic-Arab terrorism, (e) the stabilisation of the state order, and (f) a sufficient degree of liberalisation and “democratisation” of the regimes in the region.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
Operation Iraqi Freedom, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/03/20030327-10.html. (All websites retrieved on 12.1.2014).
- 2.
- 3.
Operation Iraqi freedom, http://icasualties.org/Iraq/index.aspx.
- 4.
Hagopian (2013).
- 5.
Iraqi Constitution, http://www.wipo.int/wipolex/en/text.jsp?file_id=230000.
- 6.
Herring and Rangwala (2006, p. 273).
- 7.
Fürtig (2004).
- 8.
Krell and Kubbig Bernd (1991).
- 9.
Buro and Roth (1991).
- 10.
Hanelt et al. (2004).
- 11.
On what the American government imagined the consequences of the war would be, see Herring and Rangwala (2006, pp. 7–13).
- 12.
Hippler (2004, p. 126).
- 13.
See Chap. 9.
- 14.
Krell (2003).
- 15.
- 16.
Diamond (2005, pp. 333–335).
- 17.
This situation changed fundamentally in Iraq and Syria from 2013 onwards with the expansion of the “Islamic State”, which had emerged in 2006 from several different terrorist groups.
- 18.
Davis (2006, p. 4).
- 19.
Hedstück and Hellmann (2003).
- 20.
Hondrich (2003).
- 21.
This changed in March 2014, when Russia annexed Crimea. This was the first time since the end of the Second World War that there had been a severe breach of taboo in international politics.
- 22.
Hamman (2008).
- 23.
- 24.
Allwai (2007, pp. 453–460).
- 25.
The conquest of Kirkuk by Kurdish troops in their fight against the “Islamic State” in August 2014 is perhaps one preliminary decision in this dispute.
- 26.
Already in August 2014, more quickly than could be foreseen, the extensive success of the “Islamic State” troops led to the formation of a new interventionist alliance led by the USA, which for now (as of January 2015) remains restricted to aerial bombardment.
References
Allawi AA (2007) The occupation of Iraq. Winning the war, losing the peace. Yale University Press, New Haven/ London
Annan K (2003) Deutliche Kritik am Irak-Krieg. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung, Sept 23
Aßmann J (2005) Europäische Mitglieder der US-Koalition im Irak: Bereitwillige Teilnahme oder blinde Gefolgschaft? In: Kilian B, Tobergte C, Wunder S (eds) Nach dem Dritten Golfkrieg: Sicherheitspolitische Analysen zu Verlauf und Folgen des Konflikts. Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, Berlin, pp 161–170
Buro A, Roth R (1991) Hatte die Friedensbewegung nicht doch recht? Ein Reader über die Hintergründe, Fakten und Zusammenhänge zum Golfkrieg. Komitee für Grundrechte und Demokratie, Sensbachtal
Davis J (2006) Introduction. In: Davis J (ed) Presidential policies and the road to the second Iraq war. From forty one to forty three. Ashgate, Aldershot, pp 2–7
Diamond L (2005) Squandered victory. The American occupation and the bungled effort to bring democracy to Iraq. Henry Holt, New York
Duez D (2004) Le Changement de régime. Nouveauté ou constante de la politique ´trangère des États-Unis. In: Delcourt B, Duez D, Remacle É (eds) La guerre d’Irak. Prélude d’un nouvel ordre international? Peter Lang, Brüssel, pp. 165–188
Fürtig H (2004) Kleine Geschichte des Irak. Von der Gründung 1921 bis zur Gegenwart. Beck, Munich (2003)
Gareis SB (2005) Die UNO am Scheideweg: Perspektiven der Weltorganisation nach dem Irak-Krieg. In: Kilian B, Tobergte C, Wunder S (eds) Nach dem Dritten Golfkrieg: Sicherheitspolitische Analysen zu Verlauf und Folgen des Konflikts. Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, Berlin, pp. 187–197
Hagopian A (2013) 500.000 Tote durch Irak-Krieg, in: Süddeutsche Zeitung, Oct 16. http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/us-studie-iraker-starben-im-irak-krieg-1.1795930
Hamann G (2008) So viel Geld für einen Krieg. In: Die ZEIT, Mar 13
Hanelt C-P, Luciani G, Neugart F (2004) Regime change in Iraq: the transatlantic and regional dimensions. Bertelsmann, Gütersloh
Hedstück M, Hellmann G (2003) ‘Wir machen einen deutschen Weg’. Irak-Abenteuer, das transatlantische Verhältnis und die Risiken der Methode Schröder für die deutsche Außenpoliti. In: Kubbig BW (ed) Brandherd Irak. US-Hegemonialanspruch, die UNO und die Rolle Europas. Campus, Frankfurt a.M, pp. 224–234
Herring E, Rangwala G (2006) Iraq in fragments. The occupation and its legacy. Hurst, London
Hippler J (2004) Militärische Besatzung als Schöpfungsakt – Nation-Building im Irak. In: Hippler J (ed) Nation-Building. Ein Schlüsselkonzept für friedliche Konfliktbearbeitung? Dietz, Bonn, pp. 121–160
Hondrich KO (2003) Auf dem Weg zur einer Weltgewaltordnung. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Mar 22
Krell G (2003) Arroganz der Macht, Arroganz der Ohnmacht. Der Irak, die Weltordnungspolitik der USA und die transatlantischen Beziehungen. HSFK-report no. 1, Frankfurt a.M.
Krell G, Kubbig Bernd W (1991) Krieg und Frieden am Golf. Ursachen und Perspektiven. Fischer, Frankfurt a.M
Neugart F (2003) Die Zukunft der europäischen Politik im Nahen Osten nach dem Irakkrieg. Bertelsmann, Gütersloh
Paech N (2004) Das Scheitern der UNO im Irak-Konflikt und Möglichkeiten ihrer Stärkung. In: Göbel R, Guilliard J, Schiffmann M (eds) Der Irak – Krieg, Besetzung, Widerstand. Papyrossa, Cologne, pp. 76–92
Perthes V (2004) Die Europäische Union und der Irak. Interesse verlangt Engagement. SWP-aktuell No. 3, Berlin
Rieff D (2005) At the point of a gun. Simon & Schuster, New York
Von Hermann D (2006) Presidential decision-making: three models and the road to war with Iraq. In: Davis J (ed) Presidential policies and the road to the second Iraq war. From forty one to forty three. Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 13–28
Wagner J (2004) (Neo)Liberaler Imperialismus als US Kriegslegitimation. In: Göbel R, Guilliard J, Schiffmann M (eds) Der Irak – Krieg, Besetzung, Widerstand. Papyrossa, Cologne, pp. 63–73
Weller M (2010) Iraq and the use of force in international law. Oxford University Press, Oxford
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2015 Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Jahn, E. (2015). International Aspects of the Permanent Crisis in Iraq. In: International Politics. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47685-7_11
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47685-7_11
Publisher Name: Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg
Print ISBN: 978-3-662-47684-0
Online ISBN: 978-3-662-47685-7
eBook Packages: Humanities, Social Sciences and LawPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)