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Assessing China's Naval Power pp 255–311Cite as

Strategic Implications of China’s Naval Build-Up

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Part of the book series: Global Power Shift ((GLOBAL))

Abstract

It should come as no surprise that China—the world’s leading trading nation, home to one-fifth of the world’s human population, a recognized nuclear power, permanent member of the UN Security Council, and the most dynamically growing country among the four BRIC states—ultimately aims to enhance its naval power profile in accordance with its overall power profile. In China, the latter is referred to as “Comprehensive National Power” (综合国力). In fact, when taking China’s traditional role in the Asia Pacific region into account, it seems that it is the period of relative military weakness from ca. 1850 onwards that should be regarded as an historic anomaly, not China’s current rebound.

瞅着军装, 我在想, 将来某一天, 军装肯定会成为人类文化博物馆里的老古董。不过, 这一天还很遥远。

“When I look at my uniform I tend to think that some day in the future, uniforms will certainly have become antiquities exhibited in museums of human culture. But these days are still far away.”

—Admiral Liu Huaqing in his memoirs, my transl. Cited from Liu (2011: 730).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In fact, from the end of the Later Han dynasty in 220 AD until the end of the Chinese Empire in 1911, periods during which the Chinese heartland was not under unified state control amounted to at least one third of the entire time span. Vogelsang, using more rigorous standards, even arrives at ca. 750 years of disunity, or 44 % (cf. Vogelsang 2012: 23). China was invaded and completely occupied by foreign troops in the thirteenth century, when it became part of the Mongol Empire—arguably the mightiest Eurasian great power in pre-modern times; and then again in the mid-seventeenth century, when the Northeast Asian tribe of the Manchu founded the last imperial dynasty, the Qing.

  2. 2.

    On a curious side note, the Chinese preoccupation with “national rejuvenation” as part of the so-called “Chinese Dream” (中国梦) has seemingly given rise to a new “National Rejuvenation Index.” Created by one Yang Yiyong, it is said to be composed of 28 different measures of progress grouped in six weighted categories. According to reports, the value of Chinese “rejuvenation” as per this index was deemed to stand at 65.3 % at the end of 2012 (Larson 2013).

  3. 3.

    As Yahuda (2012: 40) points out: “The version of history propagated in China with regard to its neighbours is that China has always been benign. The fact that Koreans, Vietnamese, Japanese, Burmese and others have historical records that suggest otherwise is ignored or denied. As a result China’s leaders have a poor record in recognising and appreciating the perspectives and viewpoints of neighbouring countries, including those of Southeast Asia.”

  4. 4.

    Although realist thinking thus far remains the dominant strand in domestic Chinese strategy debates, liberalist viewpoints gradually began to emerge in the 1990s (cf. Rozman 1999: 386). Leonard (2008: 88–93) provides a good English-language overview of the circumstances under which the “Peaceful Rise” approach originated. For a discussion of China’s expanding regional multilateralism, see Zhao (2011).

  5. 5.

    This unlikely outcome should be measured against the fact that Finland is the only country directly bordering on Russia (with a land border of more than 1,300 km) that never became communist, part of the Warsaw Pact, or part of the Soviet Union. When comparing this with the fate of Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, or Estonia, or with the recent course of events in Ukraine, which brought back memories of Russia’s earlier aggression against Georgia in 2008, the significance of this military achievement becomes apparent. Taiwan’s military situation is much less dire compared with pre-War Finland in terms of military capability and alliance status, because it falls under de facto U.S. guardianship. Finland, on the other hand, had to prevail alone during the entire Winter War and was initially severely outgunned before accepting German military support during the “Continuation War” (1941–1944).

  6. 6.

    A new book by Hayton (2014) gives a very detailed overview of the historical development and current status of all these various claims, with multiple maps showing the exact nature of the claims made by all sides. The historically changing positioning of China’s “nine-dashed line” and the resulting legal implications are discussed at length by the above-cited U.S. report (U.S. Department of State 2014: 3–7).

  7. 7.

    A list of military and civilian infrastructures built by China on each of the Paracels and the other reefs, including air strips, hangars, helicopter platforms, radar stations and oceanographic research installations until 2000 is provided by Chen (2000: 126–128).

  8. 8.

    In October 2013, China and Malaysia announced a “comprehensive strategic partnership” that includes a planned defence industrial cooperation and joint military exercises (cf. Grevatt 2013a, b).

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  1. Department of Chinese Language and Culture Asia-Africa-Institute, University of Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany

    Sarah Kirchberger

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  1. Sarah Kirchberger
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Kirchberger, S. (2015). Strategic Implications of China’s Naval Build-Up. In: Assessing China's Naval Power. Global Power Shift. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-47127-2_6

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