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Quebec: Fluctuation Between Autonomy and Secession

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Abstract

In the mid-1930s, a Francophone national movement was founded in Quebec with the aim of maintaining and strengthening the French language and culture in Canada and in the Province of Quebec in particular. Since the 1970s, a considerable proportion of this movement has been aiming at separating Quebec from Canada and at constituting an independent Republic of Quebec. Most secessionists, however, wish to see a close economic and monetary union between the new nation state and the “Rest of Canada”, referring to the European Union as a model.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Some authors also translate this formula as being “independence based on partnership”.

  2. 2.

    Different results ensued, depending on whether the question asked in opinion polls referred to agreement to sovereignty, sovereignty-association or independence. See in detail over the years Keating (2002, pp. 91, 93).

  3. 3.

    The most prominent and, at the same time, highly contested exponent of this direction was Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1919–2000), who from 1968 to 1984 was, with a brief interruption, the prime minister of Canada. His rigid policy of “national unity” and rejection of the special historic position of Quebec is strongly criticised by some as being partially responsible for the crisis in the Canadian federation, e.g., by McRoberts (1997). By contrast, Trudeau’s liberal predecessor, Lester B. Pearson (1897–1972), who was prime minister from 1963–1968, is regarded as being far more understanding of the dualistic concept of the Canadian state prevalent among many Francophones.

  4. 4.

    This is about a concept of an ethnic or linguistic nation as opposed to the concept of the nation of the French Revolution. The term “Quebec nation” covers all three concepts of nationhood.

  5. 5.

    It requires unanimity between the federation and the provinces with regard to important amendments to the constitution, and for others, agreement between the federation and at least seven provinces.

  6. 6.

    There is a large amount of literature on federalism in Canada, such as Gagnon (2009); Rocher and Smith (2003); Broschek (2009).

  7. 7.

    An interesting attempt to link the growth of the importance of exclusive, cultural nationalism to the expansion of social legitimacy and the constitution of rule was presented by Chennells (2001). However, he fails to take into account the asymmetries in the development of national political awareness among Franco- and Anglo-Canadians.

  8. 8.

    On the different socio-economic and political explanations for the silent, i.e. peaceful, reforming revolution, see Lammert (2004, pp. 102–111).

  9. 9.

    In 1867, the word “confederation” was still used in the sense of federation as a federal state, and not in the sense of a state alliance.

  10. 10.

    Some of the views on this subject are quoted in Bothwell (1998, pp. 235–237); also Lammert (2004, p. 160).

  11. 11.

    In 1970, in studies conducted by Maurice Pinard, 34% declared themselves as “Canadiens”, 44% as “Canadiens français”, and 21% as “Québécois”. In 1990, the corresponding figures were 9%, 28% and 59% (quoted from Lange 2000, p. 192). In another survey in 1995, 29% described themselves as being only (seulement) Quebecers, 29% as being Quebecers first, but also Canadian (d’abord), 28% as Quebecer and Canadian equally (à part égale), 6.7% as Canadians first, but also Quebecers, and 5.4% as Canadians alone (quoted from McRoberts 1997, p. 247).

  12. 12.

    The longer English wording of the referendum question can be found, e.g., in Alexandroff (2006, p. 224) and Lammert (2004, pp. 171–172).

  13. 13.

    Quebec presented five demands on this regard, see in detail Levine (1997, pp. 321–322).

  14. 14.

    Meech Lake Accord (1987). A summary is given by Lammert (2004, p. 181).

  15. 15.

    Charlottetown Accord (1992). A summary is given by Lammert (2004, p. 187).

  16. 16.

    “Acceptez-vous que le Québec devienne souverain, après avoir offert formellement au Canada un nouveau partenariat économique et politique, dans le cadre du projet de loi sur l’avenir du Québec et de l’entente du 12 juin?” In English: “Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign, after having made a formal offer to Canada for a new economic and political partnership, within the scope of the bill respecting the future of Quebec and the agreement signed on June 12, 1995?” (Lammert 2004, pp. 191, 201). On the effects of the imprecise formulation in both referenda, see Robinson (1998, pp. 215–222).

  17. 17.

    During the course of time, the share of Quebecers who supported independence rose from 7% (1965) to 70% (June 1990), and then fell to just over 40% according to Levine (1997, p. 325). In 2004, it again rose to 52% (Alexandroff 2006, p. 226).

  18. 18.

    An even clearer explanation for the restrictive understanding of a clear majority was formulated by the initiator of the Clarity Act (Dion 2013). A critical appreciation of the verdict of the Supreme Court and of the Clarity Act is given in Lajoie (2004).

  19. 19.

    On the financial transfers between the provinces, see Hale (2006, pp. 380–383).

  20. 20.

    This conclusion is reached by Lammert (2004, p. 206 et seq.).

  21. 21.

    Keating (2002, p. VI) expresses the same notion using different terminology: “Nations do not have to become states to achieve self-government.” On the expression “nation of nations” see Keating (2002, p. 98).

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Jahn, E. (2020). Quebec: Fluctuation Between Autonomy and Secession. In: Babayev, A., Schoch, B., Spanger, HJ. (eds) The Nagorno-Karabakh deadlock. Studien des Leibniz-Instituts Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-25199-4_12

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