Abstract
The emergence of a pan-European public sphere as a correlate of democratic governance in the EU appears desirable to some, but impossible to others. As a consequence, the research agenda of European studies has shifted from the European public sphere to the Europeanisation of public and media communication. Different forms and degrees of a “European public sphere light” can be identified by observing the Europeanisation of existing national media spheres. In empirical research, however, the notion of “Europeanisation” remains often very fuzzy and contested. The new agenda of “Europeanisation” (see also the chapter by Mau, in this volume) therefore frequently follows a pragmatic research strategy that lacks theoretical grounding and methodological coherence. The present chapter aims to clarify this question of standards by following Johan Olsen's distinction between the what, how, and why of Europeanisation. It examines, firstly, the standards for diagnosing what is changing; secondly, the methodological standards governing how to measure the Europeanisation of public and media communication, and thirdly, the standards for explaining why Europeanisation takes place. Finally, the chapter addresses the question of the impact of Europeanisation, examining whether it promotes a qualitatively new and emerging public sphere.
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Notes
- 1.
For instance, the European Commission aims at enhancing a European public sphere, acknowledging that the so-called gap between the EU and its citizens was grounded in a communication deficit and that the EU therefore needed to improve its legitimacy through more public accountability, openness and participation, in other words more democracy (Commission 2006).
- 2.
Friedhelm Neidhardt (2006, p. 46) observes this analogy in promoting the European public sphere with the early nineteenth century proliferation of the concept Öffentlichkeit.
- 3.
- 4.
According to Weischenberg (2000, p. 275), the construct of world-society as a new reference point of media and communication studies has proven to be of little analytical value.
- 5.
The report is based on the accumulative findings of case studies on news-making cultures in nine European countries.
- 6.
It is of course impossible to conceive the nation as a carrier of communication. One alternative way would be to identify the nation as a reference group of identitarian discourse (Giesen 1999). Within the ongoing contentions that make up political life we observe a multiplication of possible reference groups of identitarian discourse. Moments in which political discourse addresses the whole of the nation (the national interest, the national soul, etc) are still crucial but also become increasingly contingent on parallel discourses, which address the regional community, the professional group, the sectoral constituency, Europe, or the world.
- 7.
- 8.
For Eurobarometer, see the Linkliste, in the Appendix to this volume.
- 9.
This is an unnecessary restriction as the method can be equally applied to the analysis of normative discourse (Vetters et al. 2006).
- 10.
- 11.
From a deliberative-democratic perspective, we would expect the public sphere to support a process of communicative understanding among speakers who equally participate in open debates, exchange arguments and search for the good reasons in support of their positions (Ferree et al. 2002; Eriksen 2005; Wessler 2008).
- 12.
See the programme of radical democracy as proposed by Laclau and Mouffe (1985), which is based on the deconstruction of the deliberative and the liberal paradigms of democracy.
- 13.
This is a clear difference in the semantic use of Europeanisation as compared to the negative and disintegrative meaning that is frequently associated with the term globalisation.
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Trenz, HJ. (2015). Europeanising the Public Sphere – Meaning, Mechanisms, Effects. In: Liebert, U., Wolff, J. (eds) Interdisziplinäre Europastudien. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-03620-1_11
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