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Making New Classics: The Archaeology of Luo Zhenyu and Victor Segalen

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Modernity's Classics

Summary

Luo Zhenyu and Victor Segalen might both be considered figures moving to the ‘classics’ through modernity: Luo pathfinder of the modern discipline of archaeology in China; Segalen a peculiarly modern kind of poet. They might be seen as moving in opposite directions, though each is critical of the tradition from which he comes. Luo draws on Western archaeology to call for a more inclusive study of all past artefacts, whether inscribed or not, whereas Segalen rejects the conventional frame of Western study of ‘China’, from its beginnings to the Ming period, and insists that the ‘real’ China can only be found in the early times of the Han. Luo finds a kind of poetry even in cooking-pots and the recreation of ordinary life, while for Segalen the past becomes present again only in a moment of discovery; Han lions and tigers would be made dead once again by being moved to a museum.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The 13 classics include the Zhouyi 周易 (The Book of Changes), Shangshu 尚書 (The Book of Documents), Shijing 詩經 (The Book of Songs), Zhouli 周禮 (The Rites of Zhou), Yili 儀禮 (The Book of Rituals), Liji 禮記 (The Records of Rituals), Chunqiu Zuozhuan 春秋左傳 (The Spring and Autumn Chronicles with Zou’s Commentary), Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan 春秋公羊傳 The Spring and Autumn Chronicles with Gongyang’s Commentary, Chunqiu Guliangzhuan 春秋谷梁傳 The Spring and Autumn Chronicles with Guliang’s Commentary, Lunyu 論語 (The Analects of Confucius), Xiaojing 孝經 (The Book of Filial Piety), Erya 爾雅 (The Erya Thesaurus), and Mengzi 孟子 (The Sayings of Mencius). The formation of the canon went through a long process: in the beginning, only five jing classics were recognized by the Han government; in the Tang period, they became nine, and then twelve; the thirteen classics were fixed only by the Southern Song dynasty. For an introduction to the textual history of these classics, see the relevant entries in Loewe 1993.

  2. 2.

    For a study of Andersson (known by his Chinese name An Tesheng 安特生) and his influence on Chinese archaeology, see Chen Xingcan 1997.

  3. 3.

    Reconstruction of Luo’s life depends on his autobiography Jiliao bian 集蓼編, LXTHJ vol. 26, and two other biographical records Yongfeng xiangren xingnianlu 永豐鄉人行年錄 (LXTHJ vols. 178–179), Tingwen yilüe—huiyi zufu Luo Zhenyu de yisheng 庭聞憶略—回憶祖父羅振玉的一生 (Luo Jizu 1987), all edited by his grandson Luo Jizu 羅繼祖 (1913–2002).

  4. 4.

    For a summary of Luo’s scholarship, see Wang Qingxiang 20022005.

  5. 5.

    For a recent discussion, see Pai Shih-Ming forthcoming.

  6. 6.

    See “La passe” among the “Steles along the road,” in Stèles (1995 vol. 2: 101), “Le regard par-dessus le col,” Equipée (ibid.: 274–275). We quote from Segalen 1995. The second volume is entirely dedicated to China and presents the main archaeological materials. The archaeological writings are presented by Vadime Elisseeff, who in 1948 was already working at the Musée Cernuschi in Paris and gave the first presentation of Segalen’s archaeological activities in the Cahiers du Sud, updated in 1972 and 1995 (1995 vol. 2: 736–743). The first contains his sketches Briques et tuiles and Feuilles de route (vol. 1: 839–1249). We have about 1,400 pages related to China and nearly 300 concerning archaeological topics (vol. 2: 733–1007).

  7. 7.

    In a certain sense, the text has only recently been published (Segalen 2011). Until 1972 only the scientific reports, articles, and the account edited by Jean Lartigue after Segalen’s death were available. Then Segalen’s daughter, Annie Joly-Segalen, provided a readable transcription of Segalen’s manuscript under the title: Chine. La grande statuaire, which was soon translated into English (Segalen 1978). A closer look reveals that this version is a recomposition that omitted many references (Chinese as well as European) and details, and cut down the whole project, which would have included a second section, which we know as Les origines de la statuaire de Chine (published 1976 by A. Joly-Segalen), plus the little text Orchestique des tombeaux chinois (edited by Philippe Postel in Segalen, 1998). Philippe Postel has now published a new “critical” edition (Segalen 2011). It was not possible to use it for this paper; a review will soon give an account of its relevance to our topic. In his preparatory study (Postel 2001), he gives many suggestive and useful indications, e.g. in the first section, “A l’école d’une sinologie naissante,” where he sketches Segalen’s relation to Chavannes (27–43) and his own conception of the work of an archaeologist (45–88). We need not follow Postel’s attempt to see in The Great Statuary of China the invention of an “écriture critique” beyond fiction and science in order to derive profit from his groundbreaking work.

  8. 8.

    Luo Zhenyu 1968b.

  9. 9.

    This is a very significant publication. China did not have the social Darwinist style ‘evolutionary history’ before. See Wagner 2001.

  10. 10.

    Wang Guowei (1930–1935) 2003.

  11. 11.

    Wang Guowei ibid.

  12. 12.

    Beijing daxue rikan (Peking University Daily), June 4, 1918.

  13. 13.

    See Shen Weiwei 2003.

  14. 14.

    This letter was first named “Guqiwuxue yanjiu yi 古器物學研究議” and was included in his Yunchuang mangao 雲窗幔稿 (Luo Zhenyu 2005c).

  15. 15.

    Wang Cheng-hua forthcoming. Wang however did not cite Luo’s letter.

  16. 16.

    The term “archaeology” (Greek archaiologia) came from archaios, “primal, ancient, old” and logos, “reasoning,” account, study. For an interesting discussion of the early archaeology in Europe, see Schnapp 1993, especially Chap. 6.

  17. 17.

    For a recent discussion on the transition from the jinshixue to archaeology in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, see Liu 1998, in which he argues that there is a direct link between the two. This paper listed Luo Zhenyu among the scholars who were active in the movement, but did not even mention Luo’s letter to Cai Yuanpei.

  18. 18.

    For an in depth study of Fu Sinian, see Wang Fan-Shen 1993.

  19. 19.

    Fu Sinian 1928. For an analysis of this document, see Sang Bing 2001. For a brief introduction to IPH, see Tian Tong and Hu Zhangmiao 2006.

  20. 20.

    See Du Zhengsheng 1998. For a discussion of Ma Heng’s jinshixue and his role in modern archaeology, see Shen Songjin 2000.

  21. 21.

    Bouillier 1961. This remains the most comprehensive study of the whole of Segalen’s work.

  22. 22.

    In April 1902, Segalen published a medical and aesthetical essay in the Mercure de France, “Les synesthésies et l’École symboliste” to contest the decadence verdict of Max Nordau and suggest the fecundity of the “Correspondance” programme. His reflection is rooted in the intellectual landscape of the late nineteenth century, including Max Muller and Spencer: “C’est enfin l’allure même du mouvement philosophique actuel: passer du ‘même à l’autre’ (Hegel), relier par une dialectique rationnelle les diversités du monde sensible, s’approcher ainsi du terme dernier de la connaissance qui doit être une Hétérogénéité cohérente (Spencer).” This is the real attraction of the current movement in philosophy: to pass ‘from the same to the other’ (Hegel), to connect the diversities of the physical world through a rational dialectic, and thus to draw nearer to the ultimate end of knowledge, which has to be a coherent heterogeneity (Spencer). (1995, vol. 1: 78).

  23. 23.

    Segalen 1914b. Segalen’s name was translated as Se Jialan 色伽蘭 which later changed into Xie Gelan 謝閣蘭.

  24. 24.

    The photographs of the archaeological missions of Chavannes, Segalen, Maspero, Segalen-Lartigue-Voisins are available on the site of the Guimet Museum: http://www.guimet.fr/fr/collections/archives-photographiques

  25. 25.

    Most of the works are to be found in the Oeuvres completes (Segalen 1995); the Correspondance was published separately in two volumes in 2004.

  26. 26.

    Chavannes had translated the whole “hereditary clans” or “Benji,” the chronological tables or “Nianbiao,” and the eight “Shu” treatises, but only a part of the principal annals or “Shijia”, and none of the biographies (monographs) “Liezhuan”, when he died. Segalen was possibly inspired by this work as he planned his novel Les Annales Kouang-Siu ou Le Fils du Ciel, which he left uncompleted (1995 vol. 2: 329–452).

  27. 27.

    In this rehabilitation of genuine Chinese art, Chavannes was surely a precursor of Segalen. However he remained far more nuanced than Segalen, who tended categorically to deny any aesthetic value to Buddhist influence. He praised ancient Chinese art as independent from any religion, but did not discount the importance of Buddhism for later traditions of Chinese art; see Chavannes and Petrucci 1914 and Postel 2001: 37–39.

  28. 28.

    His interest in Chinese books before the invention of paper, especially texts written on bamboo, obviously leads in the same direction and testifies to his fine sense of research: see among other publications Chavannes 1905.

  29. 29.

    “After reaching this conclusion that sculpture had been developing in China for three or four centuries before the arrival of Buddhism, one is forced to admit that the artists of this early period were singularly uninventive” (Chavannes 1893: xxxii).

  30. 30.

    Segalen dedicated his poem Thibet to “Fréderic Nietzsche, dompteur éternel des cimes de l’esprit!” (to Frédéric Nietzsche, eternal tamer of spiritual heights!) (1995 vol. 2: 609). He received his inspiration partly through Jules de Gaultier and his “Bovarism” (Bouillier 1961: 110–116).

  31. 31.

    Parallels to this search for another conception of ‘classics’—at the same time more ancient and more modern—can be seen in the defence of Dorian culture by Karl Otfried Müller and in Nietzsche’s Dionysian reappraisal of “classical Greece.” Segalen praised the art of the Former and Later Han, and considered the later periods rather weak: “This is an art unknown in earlier periods, unparalleled in the West (either classical or barbarian); an art which—until evidence to the contrary appears—one may and should call purely Chinese, a pure expression of the genius of ancient China” (1995 vol. 2: 798).

  32. 32.

    If Chavannes introduced a kind of revolution in Sinology with this systematic exploration of the written chronicles, it is not at all obvious, (pace Postel) that Segalen could anticipate this method in his Immémoriaux, a rather different project (for the good reason that Chinese culture was a learned, written one, so its own writings had to be exploited and interpreted, whereas all written materials for the Immémoriaux were of foreign provenance), nor that this method had anything to do with Claude Bernard’s “experimental method” (Postel 2001: 35–36).

  33. 33.

    Segalen 1995, vol. 2: 748–9. It is worth noting that this metaphor of the hunt (exploited more recently in the study of papyrology, as Peter Pormann’s paper in this volume shows, in a play on the name of the well-known scholar Arthur Surridge Hunt) may well be characteristic of the period.

  34. 34.

    Chavannes 1911. The invention of the ‘stèles’ as a poetic form clearly shows how Segalen transformed his knowledge and his artistic expectations into new forms of literary experience. In his report on “Sépultures des dynasties chinoises du sud” (Segalen 1995 vol. 2: 983–1001), he refers to the “stele-bearing tortoises” and illustrates them, noting also the rubbing made by Chavannes during his mission (ibid. 986).

  35. 35.

    In this respect, Segalen’s view could be compared with Pound’s Cantos (begun about 1915). Pound was much impressed by Ernest Fenollosa’s The Chinese Written Character as a Medium for Poetry, which Fenollosa drafted c. 1906 and to which Pound added notes in 1914–1916. Publishing it first in 1918, Pound always recommended it to beginners. See the critical edition of Haun Saussy et al., Fenollosa and Pound 2008, with Saussy 2008.

  36. 36.

    Similarly, many Etruscan tumuli are intentionally left under the earth to preserve them from weather and human injury.

  37. 37.

    “I reproduce here, upside down, the Lion of Siao Hong, which I found thus placed (Fig. 33) in a ravine, 50 m. north of the stelae and columns of this prince’s tomb. A stream, enlarging a drainage channel, had undermined its base and overturned it, burying the head. It seemed still to have all the marks of its species: curvature, tongue, wing. One might have regretted that it had tumbled down from its original position. Yet, on a closer look, the head appeared too massive, the neck too long, the wing—though fairly well modelled—very heavy, the tongue uninteresting, the legs absurdly short, the shoulders graceless… in short, the Siao Hong lion, least elegant of them all, had chosen wisely to present itself upside down and should indeed be published in that position—even if by now the reader will automatically have righted it.

    The Lion of Siao King, with which I will end this disquisition, was also the first I saw. I will never forget the imperious, decisive, formidable wholeness in which it appeared in my path—after an hour’s walk, in rain, at dusk, as I emerged from the great twenty-league bank of earth that surrounds Nanking. The wet marble was black; the earth brown-red, about to sprout. He had been making his way through the waters there—rearing, rebellious, furious—for 1,500 years, struggling not to drown; with a proud expression of insubmission, a heroic ‘Leang stance,’ so pronounced that ever since I have recognized it even at a distance, before getting any clear view.

    This stance was enough in itself: I had no desire to excavate him. A break visible between shoulders and wing, and a backward slope of the stone, indicated that the figure was doubtless intact under the soil. We can see the ornamental spirals falling onto the breast, and the deep central cleft that enlarges and projects the two forequarters. This above all is what generates the balance between the hollowed back and the solid, rounded-out body. The straight-lined image in profile brings out an equally felicitous touch.

    Viewed face on, especially when the huge head is seen close up (Fig. 35) the mask and its physiognomy appear in full sculptural realization.  Note first the tongue, pleasing to my touch in its full, fleshy, voluptuous curve. It is muscular, divided by a furrow into two masses, like the back and the chest.

    Inside the mouth one can see a pleasingly carved hollow in which the grain of the marble is still after 1,500 years visible. The tongue, unlike those of other lions, does not loll out of the mouth but is subtly projected, swollen and solid, muscular like the beast’s whole stance. The mouth opening (less square than that of the Siao Sieou lion) is framed by a curiously stylized mask: two flat volutes round the nostrils, protuberant eyes. Finely placed touches—the circle of gums round the powerful, broken canine teeth—show how finished the whole monumental group was in its sculptural detail.

    This lion mask remains one of the most powerful animal countenances I know.” (1995 vol. 2: 811).

  38. 38.

    Segalen 1915–1916. Some results also appeared in Segalen 1917a and 1922; see also 1917b.

  39. 39.

    “Imaginer, sur la foi des textes” (To imagine, trusting in texts). Equipée, Chap. 23; 1995 vol. 2: 310–311.

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Thouard, D., Wang, T. (2013). Making New Classics: The Archaeology of Luo Zhenyu and Victor Segalen. In: Humphreys, S., Wagner, R. (eds) Modernity's Classics. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-33071-1_11

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