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Transnational NGO Networks Campaign Against the Ilisu Dam, Turkey

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Evolution of Dam Policies

Abstract

Large dams provide renewable energy, increased irrigation and food, better access to clean drinking water and flood control. However, they have been criticized since the 1990s by civil society organisations for their environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts. Dam proponents and dam opponents are engaged in a “discursive battle” over norms and standards for large projects of this kind. Under pressure from transnational advocacy networks, the World Commission on Dams was set up in 1998. Two years later it presented its report entitled Dams and Development. A New Framework for Decision-Making. The reactions to this report ranged from agreement to rejection. Nevertheless, the debate on norms and standards for large dams entered a new stage. Since then other actors, among them the World Bank, private banks and the OECD countries’ export credit agencies, have established new or revised existing standards. This chapter analyses the role of transnational networks in the application of norms for large dam projects. Taking the example of the Ilisu Dam on the River Tigris in Southeastern Turkey, it shows the pathways these networks have taken to influence decision-makers. As their efforts to influence Turkish decision-makers had little impact, the anti-Ilisu campaign members addressed European decision-makers and export credit agencies. The chapter considers the actors involved in the anti-Ilisu campaign, their origin and goals and the means they have employed, which comprise information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics and accountability politics. The chapter concludes by discussing the implications of the anti-Ilisu Dam campaign for the debate on large dams and assesses the campaign’s success and the strategy it has adopted to ensure compliance with norms and standards for large dam projects.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See for these two issues the papers by the dam proponent John Briscoe (2010) and the dam opponent Robert Goodland (2010) on the WCD in a special issue of Water Alternatives. The fact that Briscoe and Goodland have both worked for the World Bank shows the complexity of interests in the dam debate. A more analytical view is taken by Dubash (2009 and 2010).

  2. 2.

    See http://www.hydropower.org/sustainable_hydropower/HSAF_forum%20membership.html. Accessed 09 December 2010.

  3. 3.

    Since 2006 the IFC Sustainability Framework (IFC 2012b).

  4. 4.

    Where no explicit sources are quoted, information on the campaigns, their networks and NGOs in this and the following chapter was obtained during interviews with decision-makers and civil society actors.

  5. 5.

    See the report of the fact-finding mission in Hilyard et al. (2000).

  6. 6.

    See CoE-E (2008a), CoE-CH (2008a), CoE-R (2008a) for the first field visit reports and CoE-E (2008b), CoE-CH (2008b), CoE-R (2008b) for the second visits.

  7. 7.

    See the report of the External Monitoring Group on Resettlement (Ilisu External Monitoring Group 2009a).

  8. 8.

    CoE-E (2009a), CoE-CH (2009), CoE-R (2009) and Ilisu External Monitoring Group (2009b).

  9. 9.

    Meaning such professional associations as chambers of lawyers, chambers of engineers, chambers of architects and chambers of physicians. In Turkey, they often pursue a political goal and engage in political and societal discussions.

  10. 10.

    Institut für Ökologie und Aktions-Ethnologie, an NGO that supports ethnic minorities.

  11. 11.

    Mainly from the two large cities of Istanbul and Ankara, but also from other dam-affected regions in Turkey.

  12. 12.

    Actors in these countries joined in conducting a single German-language campaign against Ilisu.

  13. 13.

    Reports are available on some of these missions (Hilyard et al. 2000; Ronayne 2005; The Cornerhouse and KHRP 2007; Drillisch and Eberlein 2009).

  14. 14.

    See, for instance, KHRP, Bar Human Rights Committee and The Cornerhouse (2003), Setton and Drillisch (2006), Doğa Derneği (2006), KHRP (2007) and ECA Watch et al. (2008).

  15. 15.

    See Elger (2008), Spiegel (2000, 2006), Strittmatter (2007), Süddeutsche (2008), Gaserow (2008a, b), Schwab (2009).

  16. 16.

    See http://www.boell.de/oekologie/ressourcen/ressourcenpolitik-oekologie-6363.html. Accessed 17 July 2013.

  17. 17.

    “(…) interne Machtasymmetrien und unterschiedliche formelle und informelle Positionen im Netzwerk (…)” (Dobner 2010, p. 278).

  18. 18.

    “(…) und ungleiche Ressourcenverteilungen sowie Differenzen über strategische Nahziele oder richtiges taktisches Verhalten Spannungen produzieren (Rohrschneider and Dalton 2002; Hogenboom 2003)” (Dobner 2010, p. 278).

  19. 19.

    For a good overview of the local political and societal environment in South-Eastern Turkey and its implications for the Ilisu dam project see Fliesser 2010, 15 ff. and 33 ff.

  20. 20.

    This view was also expressed by German politicians in the ruling party when they were interviewed.

  21. 21.

    The idea is based on the concept of the norm life cycle by Finnemore and Sikkink (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998, 895 ff.).

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Acknowledgements

Thanks go to my supervisors at the University of Mainz, Prof. Peter Preisendörfer, Dr. Jürgen Schiener, Prof. Rolf-Dieter Wilken and to Dr. Waltina Scheumann from the German Development Institute for her valuable comments and supervision of my study.

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Correspondence to Andreas Atzl .

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Atzl, A. (2014). Transnational NGO Networks Campaign Against the Ilisu Dam, Turkey. In: Scheumann, W., Hensengerth, O. (eds) Evolution of Dam Policies. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-23403-3_7

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