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The Self-Determination Classical Paradigm: Making Peripheral States Disintegrate

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Abstract

Deep social and historical forces have certainly contributed in shaping, beyond the traditional West European area, national consciousness. The French Revolution ideals of liberty and self-determination have also greatly influenced the process of nation-building elsewhere in Europe. Conversely, nationalism has also developed as a consequence of French revolution wars of annexation. It has developed further in reaction to Napoleon’s wars of annexation which, carried out without any form of popular consultation, have provoked discontent among the populations concerned and then prompted a form of nationalism hostile to France.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Gastony (1992, p. 41).

  2. 2.

    Idem, pp. 41–42.

  3. 3.

    Idem, p. 42.

  4. 4.

    Roshwald (2001, p. 2).

  5. 5.

    Normand and Zaidi (2008, p. 233).

  6. 6.

    See Schwartzmantel (1998, p. 55).

  7. 7.

    P. Henry has noted with regret that “Ce n’est jamais, en effet, sans un serrement de cœur que l’historien se penche sur ces interminables guerres de la Révolution et de l’Empire, dont l’héroïsme et la gloire peuvent faire oublier les désastres, matériels et encore plus intellectuels et moraux, qui en furent la rançon. C’était un bien bel idéal, l’un des plus purs qu’eût conçus l’humanité, qui allait sombrer peu à peu devant le goût des conquêtes et devant les haines accumulées au cours de cette formidable mêlée des peuples”, Henry (1937, p. 66).

  8. 8.

    See Saintoyant (1930); Tarrade (1989).

  9. 9.

    See Attar (1999, p. 132).

  10. 10.

    Bukovansky (1999, p. 210).

  11. 11.

    See Yack (2003, p. 34).

  12. 12.

    Keitner (2007, p. 92).

  13. 13.

    Johannet (1918, pp. 109–110).

  14. 14.

    See on this debate which took place on 30 April 1791, Giroud (1920, pp. 33–40).

  15. 15.

    Archives Parlementaires, vol. 30, p. 631.

  16. 16.

    Kohn (1967, p. 49).

  17. 17.

    Keitner (2007, p. 105).

  18. 18.

    See Dehaussy (1989, p. 96).

  19. 19.

    Kohn (1967, pp. 56–57).

  20. 20.

    Hayes (1948, p. 80).

  21. 21.

    See Hauser (1916, p. 21).

  22. 22.

    Canovan (2005, p. 108).

  23. 23.

    Kohn (1967, p. 119).

  24. 24.

    Johannet (1918, p. 19).

  25. 25.

    It will also, as we know, lead to the reunification of Italy and Germany.

  26. 26.

    Thiesse (2001, p. 83 cont.)

  27. 27.

    White (2004, p. 194 and 196). See also Mastny (1989, p. 12).

  28. 28.

    Thiesse (2001, p. 83).

  29. 29.

    See Niederhauser (1981, p. 115).

  30. 30.

    See Cobban (1969, 43).

  31. 31.

    18 plebiscites were organized from 1791 to 1905. See the thorough analysis made by Wambaugh (1920).

  32. 32.

    Cobban (1969 pp. 44–45).

  33. 33.

    See Giroud (1920 p. 67). See also Lieber (1877, pp. 139–145).

  34. 34.

    The success of a national minority to reach statehood was in fact determined by, as noted by Raymond Pearson, “the inter-relation of three cardinal factors: the demographic size of nationalistic quality of the minority concerned; the availability and strength of support from existing Great Powers; and, perhaps, more important, the state of health of the multi-national empire in which the minority was located”, Pearson (1983, p. 84).

  35. 35.

    Niederhauser (1981, p. 104).

  36. 36.

    See Mayall (1990, p. 43).

  37. 37.

    Macartney (1934, pp. 135–136).

  38. 38.

    Habermas (1975, p. 288).

  39. 39.

    Hroch (2000, pp. 78–97).

  40. 40.

    Snyder (1968, p. 15).

  41. 41.

    Morgenthau (1957, p. 485).

  42. 42.

    Quoted by Haas (1953, p. 157).

  43. 43.

    See Nys (1904, pp. 401–402).

  44. 44.

    See Henry (1937, p. 95).

  45. 45.

    Brougham (1803, p. 16).

  46. 46.

    Idem, p. 18.

  47. 47.

    See Komantra (1940, p. 85).

  48. 48.

    R. Dupuis “Aperçu des relations internationales en Europe de Charlemagne à nos jours”, R.C.A.D.I., II, 78. See also Dupuis (1909).

  49. 49.

    See Thiesse (2001, p. 83 and seq.) See also Henry (1937, pp. 94–193).

  50. 50.

    Hence, although dispossessed of some of its provinces on behalf of the principle of nationalities, the Ottoman Empire has been able to survive until the First World War thanks to the implementation balance of power system. See among others Frèchet (1991, p. 99 et seq.)

  51. 51.

    The example of the French policy in this respect is discussed by Ollivier (1895, pp. 170–175).

  52. 52.

    See Sem (1868, pp. 45–46).

  53. 53.

    See Ergang (1954, pp. 316–323).

  54. 54.

    See White (2004 p. 201).

  55. 55.

    Breuilly (1994, p. 144).

  56. 56.

    See Sugar (1999, p. 5).

  57. 57.

    See Roshwald (2001, pp. 7–9).

  58. 58.

    See Braude and Lewis (1982).

  59. 59.

    See Hanf (1991, p. 46).

  60. 60.

    “Government and Minorities in Austria-Hungary. Different Policies with the same Result” in Peter F. Sugar (ed.) “East European Nationalism, Politics and Religion”, op.cit., IV, p. 4.

  61. 61.

    See G. Stourzh “Problems of Conflict Resolution in a Multi-ethnic State : Lessons from the Austrian Historical Experience” in Uri Ra’anan (ed.) “State and Nation in Multi-ethnic Societies: The Break-Up of multinational States”, op.cit., p. 69.

  62. 62.

    Idem, p. 73.

  63. 63.

    Balogh (1999, p. 40).

  64. 64.

    Idem, p. 74.

  65. 65.

    See Jaszi (1961, p. 298) cont.

  66. 66.

    Idem, p. 283 cont.

  67. 67.

    See Roshwald (2001, p. 19).

  68. 68.

    On the long historical process which has led to the formation of the Russian identity see, e.g., Prizel (1998, chapter 5).

  69. 69.

    See Thaden (1984).

  70. 70.

    See Roshwald (2001, p. 21).

  71. 71.

    Lieven (1995, p. 618).

  72. 72.

    Idem, p. 621.

  73. 73.

    Idem, p. 623.

  74. 74.

    See Sany (2000, p. 491).

  75. 75.

    Idem, p. 491.

  76. 76.

    See Roshwald (2001, p. 27). See also Hauser (1916, p. 1).

  77. 77.

    Le Fur (1921, p. 579).

  78. 78.

    Idem.

  79. 79.

    On this condemnation, see Johannet (1918, p. 183 and seq).

  80. 80.

    Frédéric Le Play quoted by Johannet (1918, p. 183).

  81. 81.

    See Howard (2007, p. 28).

  82. 82.

    Idem.

  83. 83.

    Idem.

  84. 84.

    See Ergang (1954, pp. 401–402).

  85. 85.

    Quoted in George (1938, p. 32).

  86. 86.

    Heater (1994, p. 30).

  87. 87.

    Quoted in Dockrill and Goold (1981, p. 139).

  88. 88.

    Giroud (1924, p. 42).

  89. 89.

    Quoted in Scott (1918, p. 250).

  90. 90.

    White (2004, p. 208).

  91. 91.

    See Mayer (1970, pp. 296–297). On the political motivations aiming in fact at weakening Western states, see Krylov (1996, pp. 370–371).

  92. 92.

    White (2004, pp. 210 and 211).

  93. 93.

    Quoted by Seymour (1951, p. 17).

  94. 94.

    See Whelan (1994, p. 101).

  95. 95.

    See Wambaugh (1933); Farly (1956).

  96. 96.

    See Cobban (1969, pp. 74–75).

  97. 97.

    Wilson (1927, p. 244).

  98. 98.

    See Porter (1922, pp. 563–583).

  99. 99.

    Lansing (1921, pp. 97–98).

  100. 100.

    Connor (1972, p. 331).

  101. 101.

    See the minutes of the debates at the First Committee of the First Commission of the San Francisco Conference, 15 May 1945,20, Library of the Palais des Nations, Geneva.

  102. 102.

    See, for instance, the intervention of the Egyptian delegate, The minutes of the debates, idem. 14 May, 20; See also the report made by the Rapporteur, Idem, 15 May, 12.

  103. 103.

    UNCIO, Vol. VI, p. 298.

  104. 104.

    UNCIO, Vol. 6, p. 455.

  105. 105.

    See Russell and Muther (1958, p. 808) cont.

  106. 106.

    See the very enlightening study of Burke (2010), Chapter 2 “Transforming the End into Means”: The Third World and the Right to Self-Determination.

  107. 107.

    On these debates, see Cassese (1995, pp. 47–52) and Norland and Zaidi (2008, pp. 214–221).

  108. 108.

    UN Doc. A/C.3/SR.310 para 14.

  109. 109.

    General Assembly, Third Committee, Summary Records, General Assembly document A/C.3/SR.447, 18 November 1952, pp. 174–175.

  110. 110.

    Cassese (1995, p. 49).

  111. 111.

    Emerson (1964, p. 29).

  112. 112.

    GAOR (1960) Plenary Meetings, 934th mtg., (A/PV.917), para. 20.

  113. 113.

    The 1970 Declaration on Friendly Relations will enlarge the spectrum of possible solutions other than the independence by stating that “The establishment of sovereign and independent state, the free association or integration with an independent state or the emergence into any other political status freely determined by the people constitute modes of implementing the right of self-determination of that people”.

  114. 114.

    Burke (2010, pp. 36–37).

  115. 115.

    Guilhaudis (1976, pp. 67–107).

  116. 116.

    Western Sahara Case (1975, p. 33).

  117. 117.

    See, for instance, Person (1972, p. 18).

  118. 118.

    “Les plébiscites organisés par les Nations Unies” AFDI 1961 p. 435 and 437. See also Vignes (1963, p. 297 et seq.)

  119. 119.

    See Morand (1971, p. 513 et seq.)

  120. 120.

    See Marc Aicardi de Saint Paul “les élections namibiennes (7-11 novembre 1989)”, Afrique contemporaine, 1er trim., 1990, p. 64 et seq.

  121. 121.

    See El Ouali (2008, pp. 127–145).

  122. 122.

    Guilhaudis (1976, p. 76 and seq.)

  123. 123.

    See Wallensteen and Sollenberg (2000, vol. 37, p. 635).

  124. 124.

    See Stremlan (1995, vol. 18, p. 33).

  125. 125.

    See on this among others, Falk (1997, pp. 55–61).

  126. 126.

    See Cass (1992, vol. 18, p. 33); McCorquodale (1994, vol. 43, pp. 860–861).

  127. 127.

    See Lorimer (1983, p. 32).

  128. 128.

    Idem, p. 104.

  129. 129.

    By the word “recognition”, it is meant state recognition hereafter in the text.

  130. 130.

    Lauterpacht (1947, p. 26).

  131. 131.

    Idem, p. 95.

  132. 132.

    Fabry (2008, p. 51).

  133. 133.

    Menon (1994, p. 26).

  134. 134.

    Worster (2009, p. 116).

  135. 135.

    For a critical review of these two theories, see Grant (1999) and Worster (2009, pp. 119–144).

  136. 136.

    Chen (1951, p. 14).

  137. 137.

    Brierly (1963, p. 139).

  138. 138.

    Worster (2009, p. 119).

  139. 139.

    Oppenheim (1905, p. 110).

  140. 140.

    Kelsen (1941, p. 608).

  141. 141.

    See first chapter.

  142. 142.

    Kelsen (1941, p. 610).

  143. 143.

    Blix (1970, p. 633).

  144. 144.

    League of Nations Official Journal, Special Supplement, 1920, no 3, pp. 8–9.

  145. 145.

    Raic (2002, p. 60).

  146. 146.

    Lauterpacht (1947, p. 30).

  147. 147.

    Menon (1994, pp. 34–36).

  148. 148.

    Deutsche Continental Gas-Gesellschaft v.Polish State, I.L.R., Vol. 5, p. 11.

  149. 149.

    2 United Nations Reports of International Awards, p. 838.

  150. 150.

    Lauterpacht (1947, p. 28).

  151. 151.

    Separate Opinion, Customs Regime between Germany and Austria (Protocol of 19 March 1931), Advisory opinion, PCIJ? Ser.A/B, No 41, 45.

  152. 152.

    As noted by Vincent (1974, 107 note 190).

  153. 153.

    Quoted in Manning (1925, vol. 1, pp. 156–157).

  154. 154.

    See E. Hobsbawn (1990, p. 65 et seq.).

  155. 155.

    Fabry (2008, p. 52).

  156. 156.

    In total contrast with the League of Nations which required for admission that the applicant shows that it has (1) a de jure or de facto government, (2) a stable government, (3) a settled borders, (4) its country is fully self-governing, that is, enjoying effective independence and that (5) it has been able to implement its international obligations. See Malbone (1933, pp. 12–13).

  157. 157.

    Dugard (1987, p. 65).

  158. 158.

    Idem, p. 66.

  159. 159.

    Myers (1961, p. 703, 706).

  160. 160.

    Higgins (1963, p. 23).

  161. 161.

    “United States Recognition Policy Towards the New Nations” in O’Brien (1965).

  162. 162.

    Dugard and Raic (2006, p. 99).

  163. 163.

    Idem, p. 208.

  164. 164.

    The United States did also have their own plans for global free trade since, as noted by Kimball (2000, p. xiii).

  165. 165.

    Roger and Robinson (1994, p. 485).

  166. 166.

    See Perham (1961, p. 64).

  167. 167.

    Kreijen (2002, p. 4).

  168. 168.

    See El Ouali (2008, p. 77 et seq.)

  169. 169.

    See Hodges (1987, pp. 287–288); Damis (1983, pp. 71–72).

  170. 170.

    See on this issue J. Mercier “The Saharawis of Western Sahara”, Minority Rights Group Report, No. 40, p. 11. This fact is recognized by S. Caratini, although she is a sympathizer of the Polisario. See her book “La prison du temps. Les mutations sociales à l’œuvre dans les camps de réfugiés sahraouis”, Afrique Contemporaine, 2007, No. 221, vol. 1, p. 12.

  171. 171.

    “Who is a Legitimate Government in Exile? Towards Normative Criteria for Government Legitimacy in International Law” in Goodwin-Gill and Talmon (1999, pp. 508–509).

  172. 172.

    See above. See also Crawford (1976–1977, pp. 93–182). The implementation of the criteria for statehood to the SADR by Pazzanita (1985, p. 141).

  173. 173.

    Cf. Bennouna (1980, pp. 193–198).

  174. 174.

    “L’admission d’un nouveau membre à l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine” in Mélanges offerts à Charles Chaumont, Le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes. Méthodes d’analyse du Droit International, Paris, A. Pédone, 1984, p. 48.

  175. 175.

    See Crawford (1979, p. 48 et seq.)

  176. 176.

    “L’admission d’un nouveau membre à l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine”, op.cit., 48, italics added.

  177. 177.

    Naldi (1985, p. 448).

  178. 178.

    Naldi (2005, p. 33).

  179. 179.

    Thomas (1996).

  180. 180.

    In the aftermath of the end of the Cold War, several new states have been recognized while they, notes Eckert, (2002, p. 33).

  181. 181.

    This issue is discussed extensively by Worster (2009, pp. 145–171).

  182. 182.

    Fierstein (2008, p. 441).

  183. 183.

    G.A. Res. 63/619, U.N. Doc. A/63/619, 18 October 2008.

  184. 184.

    Worster (2009, p. 117).

  185. 185.

    ICJ Reports 2010.

  186. 186.

    Advisory Opinion, of 22 July 2010 on the issue of the “Accordance with International Law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo”, ICJ Report 2010, para 84.

  187. 187.

    Idem, para 79.

  188. 188.

    Ryngaert (2010, p. 490). See also the analysis made by Falk (2011, pp. 56–58).

  189. 189.

    See Levene (2005).

  190. 190.

    Idem, p. 225.

  191. 191.

    Migdal (2001, p. 136).

  192. 192.

    For a thorough discussion of this debate, see Englebert et al. (2002, pp. 1093–1118).

  193. 193.

    See Kreijen (2002, pp. 46–107).

  194. 194.

    Emerson (1964, p. 30).

  195. 195.

    According to the following process: “Open or latent resistance to political amalgamation into a common national state; minimal integration to the point of passive compliance with the orders of such amalgamated government; deeper political integration to the point of active support for such common state but with continuing ethnic or cultural group cohesion and diversity; and finally, the coincidence of political amalgamation and integration with the assimilation of all groups to a common language and culture-these could be the main stages on the way from tribes to nation…How long might it take for tribes or other ethnic groups in a developing countries to pass through some such sequences of stages? We do not know, but European history offers at least few suggestions”, “Nation-Building and National Development: Some Issues for Political Research” in Deutsch and Foltz (1963, pp. 7–8).

  196. 196.

    For a systematic critic of Deutch theory, see Connor (1972, p. 331).

  197. 197.

    See Horowitz (2000, p. 567).

  198. 198.

    Baker (2004, pp. 6–7).

  199. 199.

    John G. Mason “Failing Nations: What US Response?”, http://ww2.wpunj.edu/chss/polisci/faculty/mason/jmfailed.htm.

  200. 200.

    Jackson (1990, p. 21).

  201. 201.

    Rotberg (2002, pp. 85–96).

  202. 202.

    Rotberg (2003, pp. 5–6).

  203. 203.

    See Ben N. Dunlap “State Failure and the Use of Force in the Age of Global Terror”, www.bc.edu/schools/aul/bibs/postconflict-htm.

  204. 204.

    Eiden (2006, p. 483).

  205. 205.

    Ignatieff (2003, p. 305).

  206. 206.

    Part of the title of the work by Anderson (2004, p. 1).

  207. 207.

    See, for example, Badie (1992).

  208. 208.

    Rosecrance and Stein (2006, p. 5).

  209. 209.

    See Parkinson (1993, p. 336).

  210. 210.

    Joseph (2003, p. 159).

  211. 211.

    See Ghani and Lockhart (2009).

  212. 212.

    Anderson (1983, p. 15).

  213. 213.

    See for instance Hroch (1985).

  214. 214.

    Conversi (1995, pp. 553–584).

  215. 215.

    Ibid, p. 4.

  216. 216.

    Sack “Human Territoriality : Its Theory and History”, op.cit., p. 19.

  217. 217.

    Neumann (1996, p. 48).

  218. 218.

    Agnew (1987, p. 1).

  219. 219.

    Ibid, p. 70.

  220. 220.

    Canefe “Sovereignty Without Nationalism? A Critical Assessment of Minority Rights Beyond the Sovereign Nation-State Model” in “The New World Order. Sovereignty, Human Rights, and the Self-Determination of Peoples”, op.cit., p. 108.

  221. 221.

    Bowen (1996, p. 4).

  222. 222.

    Bowen (1996, p. 4).

  223. 223.

    See the extensive doctrine referred to in this sense by Williams (1994), maxweber.hunter.cuny.edu/pub/eres/SOC217_PIMENTEL/ethnic conflicts.pdf, p. 5.

  224. 224.

    Idem.

  225. 225.

    Idem.

  226. 226.

    F. Barth has shown in this regard that “it is the ethnic boundary that defines the group, not the cultural staff that it encloses” in “Introduction” in Barth (1969, p. 15).

  227. 227.

    Eriksen “Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Perspectives”, op.cit., pp. 14–15.

  228. 228.

    The emergence of nationalism and ethnicity do generally obey to the same process. See T.H. Eriksen “Ethnicity and Nationalism”, op.cit., p. 99; C. Jaffrelot “For a Theory of Nationalism”, op.cit.

  229. 229.

    As suggested by Geertz (1963, p. 109).

  230. 230.

    Gellner (1964, p. 160).

  231. 231.

    “Ethnic Groups and the State” in Brass (1985, p. 28).

  232. 232.

    Collier and Hoeffler (2001, p. 3).

  233. 233.

    Sambanis (2003).

  234. 234.

    Samarasinghe et al. (2001), http://www.certi.org/publications/Manuals/CVA.htm.

  235. 235.

    Gurr (1993) and also “Peoples Versus States: Minorities at Risk in the New Century”, Washington, D.C., United States Institute of Peace, 2000, chap. 3.

  236. 236.

    “Forecasting Instability: Are Ethnic Wars and Muslim Countries Different?”, globalpolicy.gmu.edu/pitf/PITF ethnicmuslim.pdf.

  237. 237.

    Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler (2001, p. 563) cont.

  238. 238.

    Idem, pp. 27–28.

  239. 239.

    Gurr (1993, p. 10).

  240. 240.

    T.H. Eriksen “Ethnicity and Nationalism”, op.cit., pp. 59–60.

  241. 241.

    Deloye (2003, p. 58).

  242. 242.

    Strayer (1970, p. 22).

  243. 243.

    Mauss (1969, vol. 3, p. 588).

  244. 244.

    See Lane and Ersson (2003, p. 18).

  245. 245.

    See Horowitz (1997, p. 451).

  246. 246.

    See Bunce (1999); Verdey (1996, pp. 204–228).

  247. 247.

    Liebich (1991, p. 60).

  248. 248.

    Brubaker (1996, 79) cont.

  249. 249.

    T. Bahcheli, B. Bartmann and H. Srebrnick “A New World of Emerging States”, Introduction of “De Facto States. The Quest for Sovereignty”, op.cit., p. 2.

  250. 250.

    See D.J. Smith “Framing the National Question in Central and Eastern Europe: A Quadratic Nexus?”, www.ethnopolitics.org/ethnopolitics/archive/volume_II/issue_1/smith.pdf.

  251. 251.

    See P. Kovacs “A Comparative Typology of Ethnic Relations in Central and Eastern Europe” Igi.osi.hu/publications/1998/21/5.HTML.

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Ouali, A.E. (2012). The Self-Determination Classical Paradigm: Making Peripheral States Disintegrate. In: Territorial Integrity in a Globalizing World. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22869-8_5

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