Abstract
Before coming to the end of this reconstruction, it is useful to propose some reflections in relation to Tarantelli’s main acquisitions on an analytical level and in relation to those research branches embraced by him, which can offer interesting elements for the current debate.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Vaccarino (1985, p. 13).
- 3.
Ciampi, emeritus president of the Italian republic, defines the agreements of 1992 and 1993 as the fruits of Tarantelli’s intellectual inheritance. The testimony was gathered by Luca Tarantelli and presented in the video La forza delle idee. Barucci was on the same line when he affirmed “there are no doubts that Tarantelli gave a big impulse to the agreements of 1992 and 1993” (Barucci 2005).
- 4.
For an in depth examination of the meaning and implications of the July 1993 protocol as regards the Italian economy and economic policy, compare (Dell’Aringa-Leoni 2005). A synoptic description of the concertative policies in Italy is proposed by (Casadio et al. 2005). Dell’Aringa-Lucifora (2003) can also be fruitfully compared.
- 5.
For a deeper examination of the social pacts signed in the 1990s, see (Tronti 2005). More recent social pacts are the autumn 2007 welfare protocol (it was drawn back a little after, even afterwards the change of the Government) and the agreement on articulated bargaining signed in 2009 between Cisl, Uil and the Government.
- 6.
For instance compare (Pastore 2010) and (Tronti 2007), (Tronti 2009), (Tronti 2010b). The following judgement can be considered more circumscribed but substantially convergent with the one of Pastore and Tronti “The incomes policy of the 1990s have achieved important results for the macroeconomic stability and the functioning of the labour market, but as in the 1980s their success has been partial. As just seen, they have failed to govern the distribution of the costs and the benefits of the adjustment across sectors and social partners. But they have also failed to protect the individuals who mainly bear the burden of the adjustment: the less educated and manual workers, young people and women, who are more likely to be trapped in temporary occupations and are over-represented in low-paid jobs. Despite ambitious attempts like the plan drafted by the Onofri Commission (1997), Italian welfare institutions are still waiting for a long-needed comprehensive reform. It is an outdated and inadequate social protection system to cope with the greater individual insecurity associated with a more flexible labour market” (Brandolini et al. 2007, p. 63).
- 7.
- 8.
Tronti (2005, p. 351).
- 9.
- 10.
Next to these motivations we have to consider what Fiorito affirms. In his opinion, the passage from the first to the second generation of social agreements would be due to the necessity of respecting rules and reaching the performance and solidity requirements of public accounts imposed by the entrance in the economic and monetary European union. This is the reason why the trade unions, considering the very high costs deriving from an eventual exclusion, would have accepted a reorganization in relation to wage claims and welfare state.
- 11.
Ciccarone-Marchetti (2003). Delocalization perspectives confirmed in very recent times by some of the biggest Italian firms.
- 12.
Fiorito (2003, p. 295).
- 13.
- 14.
Visser (2005, p. 10)
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Michelagnoli, G. (2012). Concluding Remarks. In: Ezio Tarantelli - Economic Theory and Industrial Relations. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22312-9_6
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