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Word and Foot Minimality in English: A Metrical Government Analysis

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New Perspectives in Language, Discourse and Translation Studies

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Abstract

Possible foot inventories have been widely discussed in the literature (Hayes 1995; Halle and Vergnaud 1987; Burzio 1994, among others). While binary feet are generally accepted in all typologies, other foot types (unary, ternary, unbounded) have been subject to debate. In this paper we argue that unary feet are ill-formed due to their inability to support a contour tone. This prohibition is further reflected not only in word minimality requirements in English, i.e. the ban on light open monosyllables, but also in the absence of short vowels word-finally and the avoidance of final stress on light syllables. The acoustic analysis of monosyllabic CVC words shows that in isolated pronunciations the vowel is systematically lengthened in order to meet the tonally-driven foot minimality requirements. Thus, given the abundance of light monosyllabic words in the English lexicon, the word and foot minimality requirements must be treated as non-identical. These empirical observations will be formally captured by government relations that hold between nuclei. In particular, we will argue that minimal foot binarity follows from the fact that a full nucleus must always govern another nucleus to its right. A phonetic result of such internuclear government is the reduction of the latter. Thus, CV monosyllables are both lexically and metrically excluded; CVC monosyllables, on the other hand, are lexically possible since the full nucleus governs the final empty one. However, in order to meet the foot minimality requirement the nucleus must increase its duration to accommodate a contour tone (cf. Gordon 2000). The minimal word and foot requirements, therefore, differ in one aspect only, namely that the head nucleus in the minimal word needs a nuclear position to govern, whereas the head of the foot needs to govern a phonetically full nucleus.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    We wish to thank the anonymous reviewer for drawing our attention to Charette (1991) and especially to Manfredi’s article (1993), who had apparently formulated the principles of metrical government prior to Csides.

  2. 2.

    As proposed by Burzio (1994), for example. For arguments against, see Ciszewski (2005).

  3. 3.

    This suggests that a radical a priori exclusion of onsets from foot structure should be approached with caution. While onsets are indeed unable to contribute directly to foot weight or carry distinctive pitch, they may indirectly reinforce the acoustic robustness of adjacent vowels (cf. Gordon 2005).

  4. 4.

    Note that the double association of [n] with onset and the preceding vowel position does not make the second syllable of cotton phonologically heavy.

  5. 5.

    Cf. for instance Lahiri (2001: 1357), who claims that “[t]he minimal word must be at least a foot, or two syllables, or bimoraic, or some other constraint”.

  6. 6.

    Note that citation forms of function words which end in a vowel (a, the, her, she, your, to, there) always contain a branching nucleus.

  7. 7.

    Although Terken and Hermes (2000: 89) treat all monosyllables as prosodically prominent, since they ‘stand out from silence’. Under this assumption, even an isolated fricative, for example, could constitute a peak of acoustic prominence.

  8. 8.

    The increased duration of stressed syllable rhymes is, therefore, a derivative of tonal restrictions.

  9. 9.

    We use the term “stress clash” without recourse to the syllable. Thus, the term is applicable only when two consecutive nuclear positions, rather than syllables, are stressed. For instance, in the frequently quoted example thirteen vs. thirteen men, both “syllables” (thir- and -teen) are metrical governing domains F(xx), and consequently, their head positions are non-adjacent, hence no stress clash occurs. The stress shift in thirteen men, thus, is a result of a much more complex interplay between interpedal government and syntactic relations.

  10. 10.

    Direct government between heads of consecutive feet is not allowed in our model. The primary/secondary stress distinctions result from interpedal government which is contracted between two consecutive feet, and not between foot heads.

  11. 11.

    This of course refers to an isolated pronunciation whereby no syntactic or semantic/pragmatic context supports the word recognition by delimiting the number of words in a given cohort. Interestingly, while the word Hamas is more likely to be finally stressed in isolation, the initially stressed variant seems more natural in connected speech, especially in a well-established (e.g. political) context.

  12. 12.

    It may be accidental, but nonetheless intriguing, that function words following a content word are syntactically limited in number. This observation requires an extensive corpus-based analysis, but, if confirmed, these facts must be rhythmically related.

  13. 13.

    Compare with the isolated (EPD) pronunciations of: (1) Bob (≈133Hz/77dB) and (2) kit (≈493.5 Hz/73 dB).

  14. 14.

    Since this is a purely articulatory requirement, we infer that the ill-formedness of unary feet is cross-linguistic.

  15. 15.

    Rather than perceptual ones. As shown experimentally by Janse (2003), the perception of speech signal in artificially accelerated normal speech does not affect intelligibility. By contrast, when the subjects were asked to increase the speed of delivery they were unable to double the normal rate and their intelligibility plummeted.

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Ciszewski, T. (2011). Word and Foot Minimality in English: A Metrical Government Analysis. In: Pawlak, M., Bielak, J. (eds) New Perspectives in Language, Discourse and Translation Studies. Second Language Learning and Teaching. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-20083-0_3

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