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Weighing the Mughal

German Perception of Governmental Structures and the Staging of Power in the Early Modern Indian Mughal Empire

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Abstract

Twice a year, on his solar and his lunar birthday, the Indian Mughal was weighed before his entire court. For this occasion, many nobles and governors from the provinces came to the place where the Mughal held court. In this solemnity, the Mughal sat, richly clothed and with lots of jewellery, in a huge and sumptuous scale and was weighed several times: against money, against gold and jewels, a third time against precious clothes and spices, and then a last time against cereals, butter, and herbs. Afterwards, the precious items were given to the courtiers, and the money and food to the poor. If the Mughal weighed more than the year before, everybody was happy. Many travellers wrote about this special ritual, travellers who had actually been at the court and could thus observe this ceremony first-hand, such as the French Jean de Thévenot, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier and François Bernier, or Sir Thomas Roe, the first English ambassador at the Mughal court. The ritual was integrated into most of the compilations and in rather general texts about India, such as the ones written by Olfert Dappert (Asia, Oder: Ausführliche Beschreibung Des Reichs des Grossen Mogols 1681) or Erasmus Francisci (Ost- und West-Indischer wie auch Sinesischer Lust- und Statsgarten 1668), as too into encyclopedias like Zedlers Universalexicon. The representation of the Mughal Empire in this single solemnity was also used in a different medium. One of the most famous and precious objects in the Grüne Gewölbe (Green Vaults), the treasure chamber in Dresden, is the “Court in Delhi at the Birthday of the Great Mughal Aurangzeb” (Der Hofstaat zu Delhi am Geburtstag des Großmughals Aurang Zeb), made by the goldsmith Johann Melchior Dinglinger between 1701 and 1707 on behalf of August the Strong, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland (Warncke 2004; Müller and Springeth 2000). This diorama consists of 165 small golden figures coloured with enamel and jewel-encrusted, depicting courtiers, servants, ambassadors with presents, exotic animals etc., and, in the centre, the Mughal Aurangzeb (who was still alive when Dinglinger started his work). This piece of art is not a fictional scene; Dinglinger referred in part to several travellers’ reports in order to make a true representation of the Mughal’s court, and as well he integrated aspects from other Asian courts to produce a representation of the whole of Asia. In the installation today, a huge set of scales is placed, rather forlornly, at the edge of the scene, whereas in the early eighteenth century it was situated near the Mughal and thus indicated the ritual of his weighing (Warncke 1989: 2156). It would seem that if someone wanted to accumulate all the knowledge available about the Mughal Empire and its governance in one scene, this ritual of weighing was the one chosen in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Today, as also in the late eighteenth and throughout the nineteenth century, this gorgeous Indian court life fits the picture of oriental lavishness. The image of India became homogeneous after the second half of the eighteenth century: the Mughal became one amongst the oriental despots, India the country of holy cows and snake charmers. This orientalistic interpretation and construction of the Mughal Empire, its government, as well as of the whole of India was very successful: older pictures and older knowledge were forgotten for a long time. While the impact of the Chinese experience on Europe was never totally forgotten and research on Chinese-European encounters has increased in recent decades (Osterhammel 1998; Appleton 1951; Hobson 2004), the Indian subcontinent stayed as a static world region in the shadow of historical research, at least in Germany.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    One exception is the study by Dharampal-Frick (1994); there is also much information, of course, in Lach and Van Kley (1993).

  2. 2.

    Important here is Dirks (1987), for his concept of politics, cf. XXIII–XXV. However, while Dirks analysed how the Indian princely states were integrated into the British Empire with the help of a “political economy of honour” and thus preserved in a pre-modern context, the present paper analyses the Indian-European encounter at a time when this symbolic communication was the main mental structure for European culture.

  3. 3.

    This assessment mostly described the power of the Ottoman Empire, Persia and Mughal India, China not being included, as a rule.

  4. 4.

    Adam Olearius’ publishing work should be seen in the context of his duke striving to become part of a global trade network. Books on seventeenth century state theory can be understood in a similar context (Hill 2003; Becher 1673; Duchhardt 1986). Because of the thorough rewriting by Olearius of the reports by Andersen and Iversen, Honoré Naber refused to include this work in his series of travelogues (cf. his foreword to Merklein 1930: VIII). In general, and in view of his own travel accounts to Russia and Persia, Olearius is considered to be a very trustworthy author (cf. e.g. Strack 1994).

  5. 5.

    Cf. for example the description of customs practice in Guinea (Hulsius 1606: 60–61). Thévenot, who was rather critical about the customs practice in the Mughal empire, later compared it with that in the kingdom of Golconda, where the officers were even more impertinent and arrogant (Thévenot 1693: 187).

  6. 6.

    This comparison between Asian judiciary and Catholic—in this case Portuguese—inquisition was still being made Justi in the eighteenth century (Justi 1762: 252).

  7. 7.

    The statement in Andersen’s report opposed Thévenot’s account, which stressed that nobody could be sentenced to death without the Mughal’s permission (Thévenot 1693: 37).

  8. 8.

    “Zeremoniell” has become an important analytical instrument for research on Early Modern European or German society; cf. Stollberg-Rilinger (1997); Pecar (2005).

  9. 9.

    Fundamental for the practice of reading a society in the text of a procession is Darnton (1985). Concerning the European relevance of the so-called adventus, cf. Schenk (2002).

  10. 10.

    This fan—and the boy who chased away flies with it—appears to have been an important element in the Indian symbolic household, if somebody wanted to stage his social importance, cf. Thévenot (1693: 206).

  11. 11.

    Zedler (1739: 832); however, in contrast to Tavernier, Zedler’s article distinguishes between a rather secular procession, with many elephants, and the passage to the mosque, when all except the Mughal and his sons went on foot.

  12. 12.

    Francisci was referring to Thomas Roe, Francisci (1668: 1445–1446); interestingly, he quoted the version of Roe’s description that Olearius had published as a further remark to accompany Mandelslo’s travelogue. Also in Burckhardt, as well as in Francisci, a second critical aspect of this feast can be found: the wastefulness of food and drink—“das Fressen und Sauffen”! Burckhardt (1693: 158–169); Francisci (1668, 1446): “Nach solchem ist die gantze Nacht mit Sauffen zugebracht”—a fact that neither Tavernier nor the more critical Thévenot mentioned (Thévenot 1693: 94).

  13. 13.

    Christian Wieland in his article in this volume comes to a slightly different conclusion, namely that ambassadors could not really “learn” the customs of foreign courts because they had to represent their own ruler and his culture. However, this has to be argued on different levels: a shared (symbolic) language was necessary so that communication could function at all—and such a common language had been established in European diplomacy since the Middle Ages. Then and only after the establishment of such a shared symbolic language a maintenance of one’s own cultural behaviour—as Wieland highlights—had to be stressed.

  14. 14.

    Already, in Guillaume Raynal’s Histoire des deux Indes (the German translation was published between 1774–1778), the author praises ancient India as the source of many European achievements, while later times are characterised by decline (Raynal et al. 1988, 48–49, 61, 66). This perspective became even more dominant in Orientalist texts of the nineteenth century, and, for German discourse, Max Müller must be mentioned in this context (Müller 1883).

  15. 15.

    The literature about the Great Divergence is abundant, cf. the classic studies: Pomeranz (2000); Wong (2000); Vries (2002); and the discussion by Patrick O’Brien: O’Brien (2006).

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Flüchter, A. (2012). Weighing the Mughal. In: Flüchter, A., Richter, S. (eds) Structures on the Move. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-19288-3_8

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