Abstract
Visual communication is more unpredictable – or to put it another way: more unfocused – than communication using words and text. For the law this is a problem which should not be under-estimated. Because the law is supposed to – and wants to – guarantee reliability, continuity and therefore predictability. So how can visual communication be made (more) reliable, so that it can be used for judicial purposes?
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Notes
- 1.
On the causes from a cognitive psychology viewpoint Gombrich (1984), P. 281 inter alia
- 2.
Sherwin (2000), P. 141.
- 3.
Boehm (2001), P. 267.
- 4.
The same images are understood quite differently in different cultures. On this using the example of pictograms Brugger (2005), P. 41, on the basis of empirical data.
- 5.
Thus very pointedly Doelker (1997), P. 58. The existence of a grammar of images is denied by Pasolini (1971), P. 39 f. Similarly sceptical is von Monkiewitsch (2004), P. 57 ff., who strongly stresses the role of (creative) chance in the creation of images. But this is contradicted by Vollmer (2004), P. 19 ff., who at least for photographic images talks about a fundamental grammar.
- 6.
Doelker (1997), P. 60.
- 7.
On this Kroeber-Riel (1996), P. 84 with many references from cognitive psychological research.
- 8.
Kroeber-Riel (1996), P. 84 inter alia.
- 9.
On this Meyer (2001), P. 107, although in a different context.
- 10.
At length on this Kroeber-Riel (1996), P. 81 ff. inter alia.
- 11.
On composition from an art history viewpoint Bätschmann (2001), P. 142 ff. inter alia
- 12.
On this very critically Sherwin (2000), P. 141 ff. inter alia, who warns of the danger of a jurisprudence of appearances.
- 13.
- 14.
On this also Boehme-Neßler (2003), P. 125 ff. inter alia.
- 15.
von Monkiewitsch (2004), P. 74 f.
- 16.
Arnheim (2003), P. 12 ff.
- 17.
- 18.
At length on this Lester (2003), P. 5 ff.
- 19.
At length on the perception of images as image construction see above Chap. 3.4.
- 20.
Thus very decisively Arnheim (2003), P. 240 f.
- 21.
On the special meaning of colours and relationships between colours for images Bätschmann (2001), P. 138 ff. inter alia; M. Wagner (2002), P. 18 ff. inter alia. On colour as language Albrecht (1974) pass. Berlin/Kay (1999), P. 1 ff. prove empirically that all languages have terms and concepts for particular colours. The universality of colours is an indication of their major importance. On the physiology of seeing colours Gregory (2001), P. 157 ff.
- 22.
Arnheim (2003), P. 241.
- 23.
Gregory (2001), P. 128.
- 24.
Similarly Lester (2003), P. 45.
- 25.
On the major importance of movement for the theatre from a theatre studies point of view Balme (2001), P. 69 f. inter alia.
- 26.
- 27.
This can be classified as aesthetic stage-management. On this Fischer-Lichte (1998), P. 84 ff.
- 28.
Fischer-Lichte (2007), P. 15.
- 29.
This can be described as an anthropological aspect of stage-management. On this Iser (1991), P. 504 ff.
- 30.
- 31.
- 32.
On self-representation on the Internet Wallace (2001), P. 28 ff. inter alia. How great the human need for self production online is, is demonstrated by the existence of almost innumerable personal Homepages. On this Wallace (2001), P. 31 ff. On the theatrification and self-production in Online-Dating Lenz (2009), P. 250 f. inter alia.
- 33.
On this from a behavioural biology point of view Eibl-Eibesfeldt/Sütterlin (2007), P. 388 f.
- 34.
Iser (1991), P. 504, 512.
- 35.
On the dominant importance of electronic media for sharing values, shaping opinions and social integration Roßnagel (2004), P. 16 f.
- 36.
- 37.
- 38.
On the importance of dramatisation in art Shusterman (2001), P. 126 ff.
- 39.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
Thomas Meyer (2001), P. 50 f. With a current example.
- 43.
Thomas Meyer (2001), P. 51. At length on this Dörner (2001), P. 118. On personalisation in German politics based on even earlier empirical research Kaase (1994), P. 214 ff. Thanks to his material, ibid, P. 226, he comes to a more reticent evaluation of the trends towards personalisation. But this is probably now – 15 years since his research – out of date.
- 44.
Kepplinger (2001), P. 62 f. with examples.
- 45.
At length on this Thomas Meyer et al (2000), P. 194 ff. with a description of the current state of research.
- 46.
Thomas Meyer et al (2000), P. 110 inter alia. Possibly the percentage has now increased.
- 47.
- 48.
- 49.
Sunstein (2001), P. 682 ff., clearly analyses the importance of high viewer figures for television. The viewer’s attention is also very relevant for public broadcasters even despite public funding. Even here advertising pays at least some of the financing of programmes. What is more important though is the legitimising effect of high ratings for the public broadcaster. With high viewer ratings they can justify their use of public money and their very existence (politically).
- 50.
Very critical on this Postman (1999), P. 110 ff.
- 51.
A particularly clear example of this is infotainment. At length on this Tenscher (1998), P. 193.
- 52.
- 53.
- 54.
Whether there is really already a cross-disciplinary science of images, is doubtful. There are anyway many different researchers, who have been – in some cases for a very long time– studying images intensively.
- 55.
Semiotics talk about transcoding when talking about the transposition of signs of one system with signs of another. On this Doelker (1997), P. 129, 158 ff., with many examples. As Brunschwig (2001), P. 80 f., correctly stresses, the concept – actually more obvious – of translation is too narrow to describe this process.
- 56.
On the hand-shake as a gesture of law Knieper (2003), P. 203 inter alia. On the legal iconographic importance of the handshake Kocher (1992), P. 37, with examples. So it is not by chance, that Brunschwig (2001) with her modern visualisation of Art. 1 Para. 1 of the Swiss Bond Law uses the handshake as a symbol of concluding a contract. Also Röhl (2005), P. 62 f.
- 57.
This often results from the fact that the legal institutions or legal conditions which are represented no longer exist. An example of this is the gesture of submission with which the fief relationship is portrayed, or the judge’s sword which was used as the symbol of criminal justice. On this Schild (2003), P. 11 ff. Even if the legal content is still known of today, the iconic depiction of the time may still be incomprehensible today.
- 58.
- 59.
The pioneer in this direction is Hilgendorf (2003).
- 60.
- 61.
The pioneers are Roßnagel/Schroeder (1999).
- 62.
Roßnagel/Schroeder (1999). On the Internet you can track the multi-media presentation of a real approval process: www.pi.informatik.to-darmstadt.de/mmgv (17/05/06).
- 63.
On the relationships between staging and ritual, thoroughly Schechner (2006), P. 52.
- 64.
Similarly Iser (1991), P. 512.
- 65.
A stage-management represents an extremely demanding, strategically oriented activity. In Greek antiquity the ability to develop staging-strategies was seen as an important qualification for the exercise of political and military office. Successful producers were elected time and again to political and military offices. Informative on this Fischer-Lichte (2004), P. 318 f.
- 66.
Thus Soeffner (1998), P. 216 f., although relating specifically to power. But the idea can be extended to all social phenomena.
- 67.
Soeffner (1998), P. 216 f.
- 68.
This link is stressed by Soeffner (1998), P. 216 f.
- 69.
- 70.
This is not altered by the fact that the law can be imposed using state force. Because in a democratic state no legal standard can be imposed long term using force if it is not accepted.
- 71.
- 72.
Boehme-Neßler (2003), P. 128.
- 73.
At length on the function of rituals in creating a community Schechner (2006), P. 70 f.
- 74.
A brief example of this would be the political rituals in the former GDR. At length on the socialist rituals in the GDR relating to the May Day holiday and their effects Kraa (1989), P. 200 ff.
- 75.
At length on this Fischer-Lichte (2004), P. 344 ff.
- 76.
Thoroughly on this Hobsbawm (1992), P. 1 f.
- 77.
Similarly Hesse (1999), P. 13.
- 78.
An example for a failed stage-management was the Federal Presidential election on 23 May 2009. Even though the organisational glitsches and clumsiness may have been endearing to watch – they damaged the authority of the Federal President, of the Federal Assembly and the Constitution subtly in the long-term.
- 79.
On the educative function of the law Rehbinder (2009), P. 106.
- 80.
On the conflict reduction function of the law at length Rehbinder (2009), P. 97 ff. inter alia
- 81.
This phrase coined by Willems (1998), P. 23.
- 82.
Fischer-Lichte (2004), P. 329, points out that the twin concepts of authenticity versus presentation are therefore often presented as a dichotomy.
- 83.
Similarly Fischer-Lichte (2004), P. 331, who fundamentally identifies presentations by the criterion of whether they are perceived as being stage-managed or not.
- 84.
Thus Iser (1991), P. 504.
- 85.
At length on this Roeder (2007), P. 300 ff.
- 86.
Thoroughly on the stage-management of authenticity in politics on television Meyer/Ontrup/Schicha (2007), P. 183 ff.
- 87.
At length on this Willems (2007), P. 215 ff. with examples.
- 88.
Generally on the basic rules of stage-management Messaris (1994), P. 138 ff. inter alia, with many examples.
- 89.
- 90.
Television has been dominated from the start by the need to entertain. At length on this see below Chap. 7.1.
- 91.
Wulf (2003), P. 41 inter alia. On the importance of framing – setting the context – using the example of television news Hickethier/Bleicher (1998), P. 371 f. Messaris (1994), P. 138 f., stresses that the effect of a presentation depends on what genre it is seen as. The genre is determined not least by the context.
- 92.
Scheufele (2001), P. 144 f. inter alia uncovers the roots of the concept of framing in various disciplines.
- 93.
Scheufele (2001), P. 144 inter alia. A similar but more extensive concept – priming – is used in media effects research. Mass media can strengthen or weaken topics depending on how they pick them up and present them. This also influences the agenda of the general public. At length on the priming-effect Jäckel (2005), P. 175 with proof from empirical studies which document this effect.
- 94.
Müller (2003), P. 175 inter alia.
- 95.
Thus very relevantly also Müller (2003), P. 176 inter alia.
- 96.
In theatre studies that has been known – of course – for a long time. Over time they have developed a sophisticated phenomenology of theatrical space. At length on this Balme (2001), P. 134 ff.
- 97.
At length on this Scheufele (2001), P. 150 inter alia, with examples.
- 98.
- 99.
Shown with examples by Carlen (2002a), P. 134 ff., with an overview of legal locations in Rome. Examples from the legal architecture of England, which Sugarman (2004), P. 171 ff., describes, also underline this. Generally on the importance of architecture for the communication and stage-management of (claims to) power Sugarman (2004), P. 167 ff. V. Beyme (1998), P. 239, stresses that already very early architecture was used to political and social effect. On the psychological roots of (power) architecture Sudjic (2006), P. 7 ff.; 355 ff.
- 100.
On parliamentary architecture at length v. Beyme (1998), P. 351 ff. On this using the example of the British Houses of Parliament Sugarman (2004), P. 186 ff. inter alia. Parliaments and Parliament buildings – as Sudjic (2006), P. 161, 199 ff. stresses using the example of the British and Scottish Parliament buildings – quite often have become symbols for the identity of the nation. The Reichstag building in Berlin with the glass dome designed by Norman Foster can be seen in the same light. So at least Sudjic (2006), P. 354. Also Cullen (1999), P. 291, stresses the symbolic content of the dome, but leaves it open what the dome is a symbol of.
- 101.
On the political architecture of power, thoroughly Nerdinger (1992), P. 14 ff. inter alia. On political architecture since the Middle Ages Kündiger (2001), P. 32 ff. Democracies are, in the view of Beymes (1992), P. 45, fairly modest in their architectural self-representations. An example of this is the government architecture in Bonn, which Klotz (1984), P. 399 ff., analyses. But this rule does not apply across the board. The early democracy in Athens used architecture deliberately and on a grand scale to cancel out its internal fragility using symbols of powerful solidity. On this fascinating viewpoint Hölscher (2003), P. 35 ff. inter alia, with many examples.
- 102.
On architecture in democracy using the example of classical Athens Hölscher (2003), P. 32 ff. inter alia. Thoroughly on the visualisation of democratic principles in Parliament buildings v. Beyme (1992), P. 33 ff. V. Beyme (1998), P. 353 ff., shows and analyses from a comparative perspective, which different paths democracies have taken in this respect. On Parliamentary buildings in the 19th century Kündiger (2001), P. 50 ff.
- 103.
In detail on the history of the new Reichstag dome and the controversial public discussion of it Cullen (1999), P. 291 ff. inter alia
- 104.
An example of this in recent times is the Frankfurt Paulskirche, which has become a symbol of the Republic and democracy. In detail on this Bartetzko (1992), P. 122 ff. Churches in Rome are other examples of how the religiously-laden symbolism of churches was used for state purposes. On this at length Carlen (2002b), P. 146 ff.
- 105.
At length on the interpretation of the “legal culture cast in stone” Gephart (2006), P. 241 ff.
- 106.
On the monumental architecture of the Palaces of Justice, Klemmer et al (1993), P. 34 ff. Wesel (2001), P. 428 f. stresses, that the buildings of justice which were built in Germany at the end of the 19th century were deliberately built as palaces: the palace of justice stood alongside the palace of the king; the rule of law stood alongside the rule of power. Very critical on this v. Beyme (1998), P. 244, who describes palaces of justice as “theatrical gestures by the legal system”, which accepted the “dwarfing” of their surroundings. Similarly critical Laage (1979), P. 171 f., who describes legal buildings as “bulwarks of intimidation”. Of particular symbolic importance were the totally over-scale steps of these court buildings. On this at length Gephart (2006), P. 245 ff.; Laage (1979), P. 171, who talks in this context of an “intimidating entry situation”.
- 107.
On this Klemmer et al (1993), P. 136 ff. An impressive example for this is the plain and functional buildings on the Kirchberg in Luxembourg, where the European Court works. Although the new Palace of Justice in Bordeaux is an exception to this trend, opened in 1998 (a image can be seen at www.structurae.de/structures/data/index/cfm? id=s0009165 (Ref: 1.6.2006)). Its extravagant shell structure looks very playful for a justice building But it does symbolise almost perfectly the essential transparency of justice in a democratic constitutional state. On this Jouannais (1998), P. 9 ff.
- 108.
Referred to by Sugarman (2004), P. 197.
- 109.
On this Rager et al (1998), P. 495. On the importance of colour also from an empirical linguistic viewpoint Berlin/Kay (1999), P. 1 ff. Obviously colour is also an important means of image presentation. On this Arnheim (2000), P. 340 ff. Therefore it is not surprising that colours also play a major role in politics. At length on this Schüler (2006), P. 31 ff. Thoroughly on the importance of colours in the presentation of information Tufte (1990), P. 81 ff. with striking examples.
- 110.
- 111.
- 112.
On the interaction between evolutionary development and colour recognition with the well-researched example of colour-blindness Barry (1997), P. 129 ff. At length on the development of basic colours during evolution Berlin/Kay (1999), P. 14 ff., on the basis of voluminous empirical material. Also Arnheim (2000), P. 326 f., who supports this idea with arguments from literary research and anthropology.
- 113.
- 114.
Kroeber-Riel (1996), P. 143 ff.
- 115.
Dark red has stood for power for centuries. On this Schüler (2006), P. 32. In the 19th century the symbolic meaning of the colour red shifted. Now it is – as Schüler stresses (2006), P. 33, – the central symbol of social uprising and freedom movements. Whether this is the tradition that the German Constitutional Court is referring to, is doubtful. If you take colours seriously as symbols, another parallel is much more disturbing: the judges of the Nazi People’s Courts also wore red robes. Given this the choice of colour for the robes of the constitutional judges is very poor.
- 116.
- 117.
- 118.
Neumann (1992), P. 118 ff., considers the legal professional language as indispensable.
- 119.
On this see below Chap. 7.1.
- 120.
That greater effect is achieved using dramatisation is a long-established fact in art. On this Shusterman (2001), P. 126 ff.
- 121.
Regular repetition is an important part of rituals which creates their special effect. On the neuro-biological basis for this fact, at length Lex (1979), P. 122 ff. inter alia.
- 122.
- 123.
- 124.
On this definition, which can be seen as the smallest common denominator between different sciences, at length Platvoet (2006), P. 174 ff. inter alia. Similarly also Kertzer (2006), P. 373. Michaels (2001), P. 27 ff., collects “ritual building blocks”, by bringing together bits from various theories of rituals, without supporting any one theory outright and totally. Oppitz (2001), P. 73 ff., works similarly who constructs a “building kit for rituals” from the individual parts. Given the various theories each with their own strengths and weaknesses this seems to be a promising approach.
- 125.
Stressed by Kertzer (2006), P. 374 inter alia.
- 126.
Kertzer (2006), P. 372. This function is also stressed heavily by Durkheim (1994), P. 67, 467. Assmann (2000), P. 89, underlines the importance of rituals for the creation of “cultural consistency” of cultural memories of a society. A modern example given by Soeffner (1995), P. 94 ff. is the punk scene: the revision of the everyday by a charismatic group using rituals
- 127.
Smith (2006), P. 221 adds an important thought to the theory of rituals: rituals cannot really organise the chaos of the world. But they do help people to develop a concept of meaningful order and let them see the – in reality chaotic world – as organised and meaningful.
- 128.
Burns/Laughlin (1979), P. 252 f. inter alia
- 129.
Rituals are also a means of reducing the complexity of the environment, to protect the human cognitive system from being over-stretched and collapsing. At length on the neuro-biological implications of this aspect of the function of applying sense see McManus (1979), P. 227 ff.
- 130.
- 131.
- 132.
- 133.
- 134.
Similarly already Durkheim (1994), P. 470. Particularly striking examples of this from Ancient Rome are given by Flaig (2004), P. 20 ff. A modern example is the football game: among the spectators the normal social hierarchies are suspended; during the game the common attitude of the fans is what matters.
- 135.
On this Bromberger (2006), P. 295.
- 136.
Lex (1979), P. 120, 144 inter alia, stresses that the aim of rituals is to synchronise uncoordinated biological and social rhythms. Because emotional asynchronicity creates tension in human groups and societies. Typical at least for trance rituals are therefore the repetitive dominating rhythms. On this Lex (1979), P. 122 ff.
- 137.
Similarly Kertzer (2006), P. 372 inter alia. Informative on this are the many different rituals in the Ancient Roman Republic, by which deeply-rooted differences and divisions in society were covered up for a long time. At length on this Linke (2006), P. 34 ff. inter alia. Modern examples of this are football games and other mass events such as demonstrations, festivals or concerts. At length on this Bromberger (2006), P. 293 ff. Soeffner (1995), P. 99, talks in this context about “communally-oriented ritualism”“. Lex (1979), P. 122 ff. inter alia, describes the neuro-biological processes, which underlie this effect of rituals.
- 138.
On this Burns/Laughlin (1979), P. 266 f. inter alia. Social tensions can particularly arise between locals and foreigners, outsiders and residents. Then rituals become particularly important. At length on the rituals which take place between individuals and groups who meet up and which moderate the necessary transitions, van Gennep (1909/2005), P. 34 ff. On the also dangerous transitions from one social status to another at length Turner (1969/2005), P. 159 ff.
- 139.
Seminal on the importance of rituals in spatial transitions such as frontiers, gateways and doors van Gennep (1909/2005), P. 24 ff.
- 140.
- 141.
Platvoet (2006), P. 183 f.
- 142.
Kertzer (1988), P. 11
- 143.
- 144.
- 145.
Wesel (1985), P. 326.
- 146.
Quite correctly Wesel (1985), P. 326, comments, however, that the ritual often also distracts from the actual fight or conflict.
- 147.
Burns/Laughlin (1979), P. 250 inter alia.
- 148.
- 149.
On this Platvoet (2006), P. 183 inter alia.
- 150.
Kertzer (1988), P. 32 f.
- 151.
Kertzer (1988), P. 67 f.
- 152.
At length on the importance of consensus-rituals in the everyday procedure at the UN Wesel (2004), P. 176 ff., 239 ff. inter alia.
- 153.
Platvoet (2006), P. 184, stresses this characteristic that was often overlooked by earlier researchers.
- 154.
- 155.
- 156.
Burns/Laughlin (1979), P. 257 ff., 271 ff. inter alia.
- 157.
Winn (2006), P. 460, points out that Confucius was one of the first to stress the role of rituals in the managing of a society. On controlling behaviour through rituals and symbols also Sarcinelli (1987), P. 59 f. On the neuro-biological basis for this ability to control at length Lex (1979), P. 134 ff. inter alia.
- 158.
Althoff (2003), P. 200, who in ibid, P. 32 ff., traces the historical development of rituals as an instrument of power since the early Middle Ages.
- 159.
At length on rituals in politics Goethals (2006), P. 312 ff. inter alia; Kertzer (2006), P. 370 ff. inter alia. Even earlier and seminal Kertzer (1988), P. 77 ff. inter alia. The use of rituals in politics is not a new, but a very old phenomenon. This is shown in detail by Flaig (2004) pass., who in ibid, P. 181 ff., examines a “ritual grammar of institutionalised politics” in Ancient Rome. On this also Linke (2006), P. 33 ff. inter alia. The law and politics have control functions. Whether they are actually capable of controlling social developments, is extremely controversial. The system theory thinks the control of other systems through the law is impossible. Paradigmatic on this Luhmann (1985), P. 7. Complete disagreement from Schuppert (1990), P. 223 ff. inter alia, Nahamowitz (1985), P. 29 ff. inter alia, and Roßnagel (1999), P. 213 ff. inter alia and empirical counter-examples.
- 160.
- 161.
Gabriel (1994), P. 5.
- 162.
- 163.
Thus explicitly Winn (2006), P. 462.
- 164.
If the law presents rituals, then it is getting – at least as far as the means are concerned – close to becoming theatre. Therefore it is hardly surprising that parallels can be drawn between theatre and courts. At length on this Todd (2003), P. 87 ff.; Schwarte (2003), P. 94 ff. But it is highly controversial what this relationship of ritual and theatre basically looks like. On this long debate in ethnology and theatre studies Balme (2001), P. 170 ff. inter alia.
- 165.
So Fögen (2001), P. 150. Similarly, although more cautiously Rehfeldt (1956), P. 45. But not without dissent. This argument also exists in the study of religions, that rituals are self-contained and of no importance to other areas of society. On the debate about and as a critic of the meaninglessness theory Michaels (2001), P. 40 ff.
- 166.
- 167.
- 168.
- 169.
- 170.
At length on the process of rationalisation of the law since the Middle Ages Sellert (1997), P. 37 ff. inter alia.
- 171.
Winn (2006), P. 447, stresses correctly that all legal systems also contain ritual elements.
- 172.
Halpérin (2004), P. 44.
- 173.
Very pointedly Halpérin (2004), P. 46, who talks about the “concept of the judge as subsumed automaton”.
- 174.
Halpérin (2004), P. 46 f., gives some individual examples for this.
- 175.
On the importance of forms for legal rituals Winn (2006), P. 453 f.
- 176.
Thus section 1311 German Civil Code requires that the declarations of both spouses must be made in person and with both present at the same time, and so makes the legal act into a ritual. Seminal on marriage rituals van Gennep (1909/2005), P. 114 ff.
- 177.
Of course this is absolutely true of a church wedding.
- 178.
Similarly already Winn (2006), P. 455.
- 179.
An early court process that was highly ritualised was the so-called legis actiones in Roman law. At length on this Fögen (2001) P. 149, 153 ff. inter alia. Sellert (1997), P. 35, stresses that also the court processes in the Middle Ages were heavily ritualised. Thoroughly on the court case from the point of view of theories of rituals Wolf (2003), P. 31 ff. inter alia; Gephart (2006), P. 255 ff. inter alia.
- 180.
On this Halpérin (2004), P. 48.
- 181.
For example the reading out of the charges, the pleading and the announcement of the judgement. On the symbolic effect and the ritual character, that standing (up) has in a courtroom see Legnaro/Aengenheister (1999), P. 18.
- 182.
- 183.
- 184.
- 185.
On this Legnaro/Aengenheister (1999), P. 110 f.
- 186.
Schwarte (2003), P. 120.
- 187.
Luhmann (1969), P. 36, first drew attention to the legitimising function of procedures.
- 188.
Informative on this Luhmann (1969), P. 211 ff., describes the complexity and the effort and cost involved in an administrative procedure. One indication that in practice we suffer from very sophisticated procedural processes is that discussions about speeding up and simplifying administrative procedures keep reigniting.
- 189.
On this Winn (2006), P. 456.
- 190.
- 191.
Similarly Sellert (1997), P. 36 f.
- 192.
Kertzer (2006), P. 384, stresses correctly the function of rituals in stirring up emotions and strengthening effects.
- 193.
- 194.
Gephart (1993), P. 409 f. inter alia. The importance which the oath has/had, is also stressed in sections 59 of the Criminal Proceedings Act, and 153 ff. Criminal Legal Code. That an oath can have additional effects to “bring the truth to the surface” is still stated by the Federal Criminal Court 8, 301 ff. an.
- 195.
On the problem of emotions in the law see above Chap. 4.7.
- 196.
The major importance of emotions for human beings, their awareness and their behaviour is explained by Roth (2003), P. 285 ff. inter alia.
- 197.
Althoff (2001), P. 58, who in this area even talks about a “Renaissance of ritual”.
- 198.
Carducci (2006), P. 250 draws attention to rituals as a basis for international common law.
- 199.
Carducci (2006), P. 250.
- 200.
An example is given by Althoff (2001), P. 59.
- 201.
- 202.
- 203.
Meyer/Kampmann (1998), P. 85.
- 204.
On this and on other reasons for this development Meyer/Kampmann (1998), P. 85 f.
- 205.
Paradigmatically on this see Luhmann (1985), P. 7. Teubner (1989), P. 96, does not go so far but still thinks an indirect contextual steering by the law is possible. Thoroughly different Nahamowitz (1985), P. 29 ff. inter alia, who describes empirical counter-examples, which do not, however, always quite convince. Possibly the truth is in the middle: the law can induce action and suggest rough directions. But social reality cannot be determined by the law down to the last detail. For that it is just too complex. This direction also taken by Teubner/Willke (1984), P. 28, 31 and – mainly relating to the control of technology by the law – Roßnagel (1993), P. 27 f. inter alia.
- 206.
At length on this theory Boehme-Neßler (2008), P. 635 ff.
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Boehme-Neßler, V. (2011). Fuzzy Communication: Composition and Performance of the Law. In: Pictorial Law. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-11889-0_5
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