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Regional Economy and Policy in Spain (1960–1975)

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Regional Policy, Economic Growth and Convergence
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Abstract

This chapter considers the main features of “regional policy” in Spain from 1960 to 1975, with a brief description of some of the most significant results. It also describes some background, with reference to several previous policies. As in other countries, the history of regional policies in Spain is a long one. Some examples can be found during the reign of Carlos III (1759–1788), in the form of attempts to repopulate and develop some parts of Andalusia (Jaen, Cordova and Seville), or to promote the country’s economic development by creating public enterprises and new ports. More recently, in the nineteenth century, decisions were made in Spain regarding the centralised design of rail and road networks, with a long-lasting impact on the country’s territorial structure. These and other measures applied in the past, however, do not fit into the currently accepted category of “regional policies”. Indeed, “regional development policies” have only been described as such in Spain since the early 1960s, although with a singular approach and characteristics. However, before focusing on the subject of this chapter, it is well worth to mention some aspects of the measures applied during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930), the Second Republic (1931–1936) and the first 20 years of the Franco’s regime (1940–1960).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    People, such as Lucas Mallada (1841–1921), Macías Picavea (1847–1899) and Joaquín Costa (1846–1911), each in their own style, were outstanding members of this current aimed at political and economic regeneration.

  2. 2.

    One of the most significant books by Joaquín Costa is Colectivismo agrario en España, Madrid, 1911. In the same year, he also published Política Hidráulica, Madrid, 1911.

  3. 3.

    Macías Picavea (1899)

  4. 4.

    The Statutes of Catalonia and the Basque Country were approved during the Second Republic, and much progress had been made with the Statute of Galicia.

  5. 5.

    During the war, expropiations were made in the republican zone, largely of land which had been abandoned when its owners fled to areas controlled by Franco’s army.

  6. 6.

    Data estimated from Mortes (1963).

  7. 7.

    “A dirigist apparatus built up to carry out the economic reconstruction of the country”.

  8. 8.

    For further information, see Siguán (1963), Fernández (1975), Ortega (1973) and González (1981).

  9. 9.

    This is recognised, for example, in the texts of the Regional Development part of the Second Development Plan (1968).

  10. 10.

    Criticisms of the report were compiled in a book coordinated by Fuentes Quintana (1963).

  11. 11.

    There were two basic reasons for this: first, in the Spanish Napoleonic-style administration, the country ‘provincial’ organisation was a fundamental part of its governance; secondly, we have to remember that the political-administrative system under France had reinforced the provinces against a possible increase in historically based regionalist and nationalist claims.

  12. 12.

    Indeed, the Movimiento Nacional, which arose after the Civil War, comprised most of the country’s most retrograde forces: falangistas, members of the single Trade Union, members of the military linked to Franco, etc. It was actually a highly complex network based on elementary principles but with internal discrepancies.

  13. 13.

    The telephone monopoly thus made use of the benefits afforded by poles to enlarge their facilities, with considerable tax savings and other advantages.

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Correspondence to Juan R. Cuadrado-Roura .

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Cuadrado-Roura, J.R. (2009). Regional Economy and Policy in Spain (1960–1975). In: Cuadrado-Roura, J. (eds) Regional Policy, Economic Growth and Convergence. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-02178-7_2

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-02178-7_2

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