Abstract
In November 2003, during the conference on Development of International Law in Treaty Making, the current author concluded that Security Council practice in the post Cold War era has swayed between complete inaction and overreaction.1 This extreme situation is a reflection of the reality that decision-making within the Security Council in the post Cold War era is driven by the (short term) political interests of the only remaining super-power and its closest allies — interests which are frequently being pursued at the expense of the international community as a whole and at the expense of international law.2 Moreover, it is unrealistic to believe that this situation will change in the near future.
B. Iur.; LL.B.; LL.D. (University of the Free State, South Africa); LL.M. (Harvard); Habil. (Zurich); Professor of International Constitutional Law, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Extraordinary Professor, North-West University (Potchefstroom Campus), South Africa. The contribution also forms part of a so-called VICI project of the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), titled The emerging international constitutional order: the implications of hierarchy in international law for the coherence and legitimacy of international decision-making.
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References
Erika de Wet, “The Security Council as a Law Maker: The Adoption of (Quasi)-Judicial Decisions”, in: Rüdiger Wolfrum & Volker Roben (eds), Developments of International Law in Treaty Making, 2005, 225.
Volker Roben (eds), Developments of International Law in Treaty Making, 2005, 225 Ibid.
Volker Roben (eds), Developments of International Law in Treaty Making, 2005, 225 Ibid.
Eric Stein, “International Integration and Democracy: No Love at First Sight”, American Journal of International Law 95 (2001), 491. See also Nico Krisch, “More Equal than the Rest? Hierarchy, Equality and US Predominance in International Law”, in: Michael Byers & Georg Nolte (eds), United States Hegemony and the Foundations of International Law, 2002, 152. See also Mattias Kumm, “The Legitimacy of International Law: A Constitutionalist Frame-work Analysis”, European Journal of International Law 15 (2004), 915.
For an extensive discussion of the legality of decisions of the Security Council, see Erika de Wet, “The Chapter VII Powers of the United Nations Security Council” (2004). For a more general discussion on the legitimacy of Security Council decisions, see Steven Wheatley, “The Security Council, Democratic Legitimacy and Regime Change in Iraq”, European Journal of International Law 17 (2006), 531–551; Jane Boulden, “Double Standards, Distance and Disengagement: Collective Legitimization in the Post-Cold War Security Council”, Security Dialogue 37 (2006), 409–424.
SC Res 661 of 6 August 1990, para 20.
Andrew K. Fishman, “Between Iraq and a Hard Place: The Use of Economic Sanctions and Threat to International Peace and Security”, Emory International Law Review 13 (1999), 702 at 713. See also SC Res 687 of 3 April 1991, paras 7–10, which included a more detailed listing of proscribed items including conventional arms, weapons of mass destruction, ballistic missiles and services related to technical support and training. See also Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Iraq: A Decade of Sanctions, 1999, 2–3, at www.icrc.org.
See SC Res 1333 of 19 December 2000; SC Res of 15 January 2002; SC Res 1390 of 16 January 2002; SC Res 1452 of 20 December 2002; SC Res 1455 of 17 January 2003; SC Res 1456 of 20 January 2003; SC Res 1526 of 30 January 2004; SC Res 1617 of 29 July 2005; SC Res 1699 of 8 August 2006.
SC Res 1333 of 19 December 2000, para 8(c) and SC Res 1390 of 16 January 2002, para 5(a).
The reference to “legislative regimes” relates to their general and abstract nature. Instead of responding to a specific incident of terrorism or proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, they respond to the general threat implied by these situations by creating legal obligations for States in the area of international law. See Axel Marschik, “Legislative Powers of the Security Council”, in: Ronald St. John MacDonald & Douglas Johnston (eds), Towards World Constitutionalism, 2005, 474.
Matthew Happold, “Security Council Resolution 1373 and the Constitution of the United Nations”, in: Paul Eden & Thérese O’Donnell (eds), September 11, 2001. A Turning Point in International and Domestic Law?, 2005, 618.
Gabriel H Oosthuizen & Elizabeth Wilmshurst, “Terrorism and Weapons of Mass Destruction: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540”, Chatham House BP 04/01, September 2004, 2, available at http://www.riia.org/.
Stein, note 4, 491. Krisch, note 4, 152. Kumm, note 4, 915.
Stein, note 4, 491; Jed Rubenfeld, “The Two World Orders”, Wilson Quarterly 27 (2003), 28; see also Rüdiger Wolfrum, “Legitimacy of International Law from a Legal Perspective: Some Introductory Considerations”, p. 1 et seq.; Allen Buchanan & Robert O. Keohane, “The Legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions”, p. 25 et seq., both in this volume.
Stein, note 4, 491.
Ibid. For a sceptical approach to multi-lateralism, see in particular Kenneth Anderson, “The Ottowa Convention Banning Landmines, the Role of International Non-governmental Organizations and the Idea of International Civil Society”, European Journal of International Law 11 (2000), 91–120; see also B.S. Chimni, “International Institutions Today: An Imperial Global State in the Making”, European Journal of International Law 15 (2004), 19 et seq.
Stein, note 4, 491.
José Alvarez, “Multilateralism and Its Discontents”, European Journal of International Law 11 (2000), 410; Philip Allott, “The Emerging International Aristocracy” New York University Journal of International Law and Politics 35 (2003), 309; See generally Miguel P. Maduro, “Europe and the Constitution: What if this is as Good as it Gets?”, in: Joseph H.H. Weiler & Marlene Wind (eds), European Constitutionalism beyond the State, 2000, 83 et seq.; Joseph H. H. Weiler, “Does Europe need a Constitution? Reflections on Demos, Telos and the German Maastricht Decision”, European Law Journal 1 (1995), 219 et seq.; Yves Mény, “The People, the Elites and the Populist Challenge”, European University Institute Jean Monnet Chair Paper RSC 98/47; ibid., “De la démocratie en Europe”, Journal of Common Market Studies 41 (2003), 1 et seq.; Deirdre Curtin, “Civil Society and the European Union: Opening Spaces for Deliberative Democracy”, in: Collected Courses of the Academy of European Law, 1999, 185 et seq.; Armin von Bogdandy, “Globalization and Europe: How to Square Democracy, Globalization and International Law”, European Journal of International Law 15 (2005), 885 et seq.; Carlos Closa, “Constitution and Democracy in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe”, European Public Law 11 (2005), 145 et seq.
Allott, note 18, 309. See also Armin von Bogdandy, “Demokratie, Globalisierung, Zukunft des Völkerrechts — eine Bestandsaufnahme”, Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 63 (2003), 858–59.
Christian Pippan, “Book Review”, European Journal of International Law 15 (2004), 212.
Daniel Bodansky, “The Legitimacy of International Governance: A Coming Challenge for International Environmental Law?”, American Journal of International Law 93 (1999), 599; Allott, note 118, 319–20; Stein, note 4, 492. See also Juliane Kokott, “Souveräne Gleichheit und Demokratie im Völkerrecht”, Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 64 (2004), 528.
Maduro, note 18, 83.
Alvarez, note 18, 411.
Alvarez, note 18, 410–411; see also Bodansky, note 21, 617 et seq.
See also Maduro, note 18, 85.
Maduro, note 18, 85.
But see Bodansky, note 21, 600 who denies the existence of a global ‘demos’. Cf. Thomas Cottier & Maya Hertig, “The Prospects of 21st Century Constitutionalism”, Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law 7 (2003), 287 et seq.
Bodansky, note 21, 613. He inter alia, questions whether the principle of sovereign equality of states could serve as a justification for the translation of the concept of’ one person one vote’ into’ one state one vote’, as it would grant disproportionate influence to small states representing only a fraction of the world’s population.
Cottier & Hertig, note 27, 309–310; see also Bodansky, note 21, 617 et seq.
Alvarez note 18, 411.
See Kumm, note 4, 926.
See also the contribution of Allen Buchanan & Robert O. Keohane, “The Legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions”, in this volume, p. 25 at 51 et seq.
Thérese O’Donnell, “Iraqi Sanctions, Human Rights and the United Nations Security Council”, in: Paul Eden & Thérese O’Donnell (eds), September 11, 2001. A Turning Point in International and Domestic Law, 2005, 723.
James Hathaway, “America, Defender of Democratic Legitimacy?”, European Journal of International Law 11 (2000), 124–125. Instead of criticizing vocal NGOs for making use of the collective exercise of free speech for mobilizing decision makers within post-national constitutional regimes, one should concentrate on expanding the accessibility of this form of public participation to as many non-state actors as possible.
SC Res 661 of 6 August 1990, para 6, provided for a Sanctions Committee which had to oversee the implementation of the sanctions. These Sanctions Committees (which proliferated after 1990), are set up as subsidiary organs of the Security Council under Article 29 of the Charter and replicate Security Council membership. See Margaret Doxey, United Nations Sanctions: Current Policy Issues, 1999, 41; Tono Eitel, “The United Nations Security Council and its Future Contribution in the Field of International Law”, Max Planck Year-book of United Nations Law 4 (2000), 67; Dorothée Starck, Die Rechtmässigkeit von UNO-Wirtschaftssanktionen in Anbetracht ihrer Auswirkungen auf die Zivilbevölkerung, 2000, 86 et seq.
For exceptions to this rule, see extensively De Wet, note 5, 382 et seq.
See Eric Suy, “Some Legal Questions Concerning the Security Council”, in: Ingo von Münch (ed), Festschrift für Hans-Jürgen Schlochauer zum 75. Geburtstag, 1981, 684. See also David D Caron, “The Legitimacy of the Collective Authority of the Security Council”, American Journal of American Law 87 (1993), 578; Brigitte Reschke, “Der aktuelle Fall: Die Aufhebung der Sanktionen gegen Haiti”, Humanitäres Völkerrecht 3 (1994), 136.
See Reschke, note 37, at 136.
This reasoning was also reflected by the reaction of the General Assembly and the Security Council to the United States unilateral termination of the mandatory sanctions against Southern Rhodesia on 12 December 1979 (S/13688 (1979). The General Assembly responded by adopting GA Res 192 of 18 December 1979, which affirmed that it was within the exclusive authority of the Security Council to revoke mandatory sanctions imposed by that organ and that a unilateral termination of sanctions violated states’ obligation under article 25 of the Charter. The Security Council, for its part, still considered it necessary to terminate the sanctions in SC Res 460 of 21 December 1979 See also Reschke, note 37, at 136–137; Suy, note 37, 685–86.
See Reschke, note 37, at 136.
See De Wet, note 5, 227 et seq. and sources quoted there.
Michael P. Scharf & Joshua L. Dorosin, “Interpreting UN Sanctions: The Rulings and Role of the Yugoslavia Sanctions Committee”, Brooklyn Journal of International Law 19 (1993), 774; see also Lutz Oette, “Die Entwicklung des Oil for Food-Programs und die gegenwärtige humanitäre Lage in Irak”, Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 59 (1999), 842.
This was already authorized in SC Res 666 of 13 September 1990, para 1. See extensively De Wet, note 5, 232 et seq.
The Secretary-General inter alia suggested that for items placed on hold, the Sanctions Committee should provide written and explicit explanations within 48 hours. This would enable the applicants to provide any additional information required by the Sanctions Committee. See S/1999/4, para 122.
S/1999/986, para 101; S/2001/1089, paras 6 and 127; see Human Rights Watch, Letter to the United Nations Security Council, 4 January 2000, paras 7 and 23, available at www.hrw.org/; Human Rights Watch, Explanatory Memorandum Regarding the Comprehensive Embargo on Iraq. Humanitarian Circumstances in Iraq (2000), para 20, available at www.hrw.org/; S/1999/4, para 127. Cf Oette, note 43, 853–54; Gian Luca Burci, “Interpreting the Humanitarian Exceptions through the Sanctions Committees”, in: Vera Gowlland-Debbas (ed), United Nations Sanctions and International Law, 2001, 150.
For the legal implications of such targeting see De Wet, note 5, 352 et seq.; see also extensively Bardo Fassbender, Targeted Sanctions and Due Process (United Nations Office of Legal Affairs, New York, 2006),. 4 et seq., available at http://www.un.Org/law/counsel/Fassbender_study.pdf.
Latest version adopted on 12 February 2007, available at www.un.org. Hereinafter referred to as Guidelines.
Guidelines, note 48, para 8(e).
Ibid, at para 4(e).
SC Res 1333 of 19 December 2001, paras 23 and 24, initially imposed these measures for 12 months. However, thereafter SC Res 1390 of 16 January 2002, at para 3, extended these measures for an indefinite period of time. The indefinite character of these sanctions was overlooked in the decision of Ahmed Ali Yusuf & Al Barakaat International Foundation v Council of the European Union & Commission of the European Communities, 21 September 2005, paras 299 ff; T-306/01 available at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/.
See Marschik, note 10, 474.
See e.g. SC Res 1456 20 January 2003; SC Res 1535 of 26 March 2004. The CTC was, unfortunately, very reluctant to appoint a human rights expert that could assist it in monitoring member States’ compliance with international human rights norms when adopting counter-terrorism measures. Although such an expert was eventually appointed in 2005, his exact mandate remains unclear. See Alexander Marschik, “The Security Council’s Role: Problems and Prospects in the Fight against Terrorism”, in: Guiseppe Nesi (ed), International Cooperation in Counter-Terrorism, 2006, 72. See Eric Rosand, “Security Council Resolution 1373, the Counter-Terrorism Committee and the Fight against Terrorism”, American Journal of International Law 97 (2003), 340.
However, some authors argue that exactly because of this discretion, SC Res 1373 (2001) can easily be misused to target individuals or minority groups for political reasons. Marschik (in Nesi), note 55, 72–73.
S/2003/1056, 03-59396 (E) 031103; Eric Donnelly, “Raising Global Counter-Terrorism Capacity: The Work of the Security Council’s Counter-Terrorism Committee”, in: Paul Eden & Thérese O’Donnell (eds), September 11, 2001. A Turning Point in International and Domestic Law, 2005, 777.
Bernhard Graefrath, “Die Vereinten Nationen im übergang — Die Gratwanderung des Sicherheitsrates zwischen Rechtsanwendung und Rechtsanmassung”, in: Klaus Hüfner (ed), Die Reform der Vereinten Nationen, 1994, 44. See also Bardo Fassbender, “Uncertain Steps into a Post Cold War World: The Role and Functioning of the UN Security Council after a Decade of Measures against Iraq”, European Journal of International Law 13 (2002), 389.
S/96/Rev.7 (1983), at www.uno.org.
Eitel, note 35, 59; see also Frederic L Kirgis, “The Security Council’s First Fifty Years”, American Journal of International Law 89 (1995), 518.
For example, there were various reports of the United States promising rewards and threatening punishment so as to influence the vote on SC Res 678 of 29 November 1990, authorizing the use of force against Iraq. There were also alleged promises of or demands for financial help to/ by Colombia, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia and Zaire; an agreement with the Soviet Union not to include Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the November 1990 Paris summit conference; and an agreement with China to lift trade sanctions in place since the Tiannamen Square incident and to support a World Bank loan of USD 114.3. Also, as result of Yemen’s negative vote, the United States allegedly cut its substantial annual aid to that state. See Caron, note 37, 563–564; also see Eitel, note 35, 230, at 59; Graefrath, note 55, at 44; Kirgis, note 60, 518.
See, for example, the Guidelines, note 48, para 3(b).
See De Wet, note 5, 226 et seq. and sources quoted there. 64 Hans-Peter Kaul, “Sanktionsausschüsse des Sicherheitsrates: Ein Einblick in Arbeitsweise und Verfahren”, Vereinte Nationen AA (1996), 98.
Fishman, note 7, 689.
S/2006/154, par. 13; see also http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/ sc8730.doc.htm.
Stefan Talmon, “The Security Council as World Legislature”, American Journal of International Law 99 (2005), 187.
Marschik, note 10, 485.
Talmon, note 67, 187; see also Costa Rica in A/56/PV.25 (2001), 3. See also the Philippines S/PV/4950 (2001), 2, who stated that those who are bound should be heard.
Marschik, note 10, 474, 480; Donnelly, note 57, 765.
Rosand, note 55, 339.
Rosand, note 55, 335. The expertise of the advisers assisting the CTC includes legislative drafting; customs law and practice; police and law enforcement and illegal arms trafficking. While the CTC self does not provide assistance, it has set up an easily accessible electronic database to help states looking for information, experts and model legislation. See Oosthuizen & Wilmshurst, note 12, 7.
The non-members included Ireland (speaking on behalf of the EU), Malaysia (speaking on behalf of the large Non-aligned Movement grouping), South Korea, Japan, Argentina, Nigeria, South Africa, Jordan, Israel and India. Oosthuizen & Wilmshurst, p. 9.
Oosthuizen & Wilmshurst, note 12, 3; Marschik, note 10, 485.
Oosthuizen & Wilmshurst, note 12, 9.
SC Res 1673 of 27 April 2006, at para 4.
Oosthuizen & Wilmshurst, note 12, 6.
Marschik (in Nesi), note 55, 80.
Human Rights Watch, Explanatory Memorandum, note 46, para 24; Cf. Starck, note 35, 361–62. Eitel, note 35, 66; Fassbender, note 58, 295.
See O’Donnell, note 33, 705; John Mueller & Karl Mueller, “Sanctions of Mass Destruction”, Foreign Affairs 52 (1999).
By 2006 about USD 200 million in assets of persons and entities with ties to terrorist networks including AI Qaeda had been frozen. However, it remains difficult to determine how much of this can be attributed to the Security Council requirements to freeze assets. See Eric Rosand, “The UN Security Council’s Counter-Terrorism Efforts”, in: Roy S. Lee (ed), Swords into Plowshares: Building Peace through the United Nations, 2006, 79–80.
Marschik, note 10, 472.
Marschik, note 10, 472; Happold, note 11, 684.
Talmon, note 67, 191.
Rosand, note 55, 397.
Talmon, note 67, 191.
Donnelly, note 57, 766.
See also Donnelly, note 57, 761.
Rosand, note 55, 335; Donnelly, note 57, 777.
Talmon, note 67, 191. The second and third stages concern the institution of effective executive machinery for implementing the legislation; and the examination of the efficacy of the legislation.
See also Talmon, note 67, 187.
Doxey, note 35, 41. See also Eitel, note 35, 68. Cf Mariano J. Aznar-Gomez, “A Decade of Human Rights Protection by the UN Security Council: a Sketch of Deregulation?”, European Journal of International Law 13 (2002), 229.
Rosand (in Lee), note 82, 81.
Eitel, note 35, 66; See also Lutz Oette, “A Decade of Sanctions against Iraq: Never Again! The End of Unlimited Sanctions in the Recent Practice of the UN Security Council”, European Journal of International Law 13 (2002), 97. At 101–02 he noted that some countries fear that time limits would under-mine the effectiveness of the sanctions. According to this argument, the limitation of the duration of the sanctions might encourage the target to endure the short-term damage and attempt to prevent the renewal of sanctions at the end of the period, without having complied with the demands of the Security Council. (For arguments to this effect, see the statements of the United States and the Netherlands in S/PV.4168 5 ff (2002)). However, in the absence of time limits, members of the Security Council may not be willing to vote for the initial imposition of sanctions at all. In addition, the inclusion of a time limit does not in itself create a presumption against the renewal of sanctions.
See Fassbender, note 47, 28 et seq.
Doxey, note 35, 40.
In this context one should mention that since 1999 the Security Council’s report to the General Assembly has included a report on the work of each Sanctions Committee. The Security Council suggested these reports as a method for making the work of the Sanctions Committees more transparent in S/1995/234, para 1. In S/1996/54, para 1, the Security Council also encouraged the Chair-person of each Sanctions Committee to give an oral briefing to interested member states after each meeting. Gasser, above note 24, at 903; Doxey, note 35, at 45.
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de Wet, E. (2008). The Legitimacy of United Nations Security Council Decisions in the Fight against Terrorism and the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction: Some Critical Remarks. In: Wolfrum, R., Röben, V. (eds) Legitimacy in International Law. Beiträge zum ausländischen öffentlichen Recht und Völkerrecht, vol 194. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-77764-9_7
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