Abstract
This chapter focuses on sociology-of-knowledge factors to help explain the peculiar reception of the public sphere concept within U.S. American communication research. We emphasize two overarching factors: (1) The institutional emergence of a polyglot, would-be discipline of “communication” from journalism schools and speech departments in the decades after World War II; and (2) the sociology of cross-national academic translation of the public-sphere scholarship of Jürgen Habermas in the 1990s. The chapter argues that these two factors interacted over time to shape the late—and notably partial—uptake of Habermas’s ideas. That is, the U.S. discipline’s institutional underpinnings helped to produce the intellectual conditions that prevented, or at least delayed, a robust engagement with the public sphere by communication researchers. In part because of the intellectual coordinates they inherited from the discipline’s institutional arrangements, U.S researchers were unequipped to absorb the European import. Our hypothesis, only partly tested in the chapter, is that U.S. communication’s low prestige relative to neighboring disciplines helped to shape the flow of ideas into and out of the discipline. In the public sphere case, we suggest, Habermas’s ideas were picked up first by U.S. scholars in history and the traditional social sciences, who then passed the concept along to communication researchers. For reasons rooted in its institutional history, U.S. communication research is a low-status discipline relegated to the margins of the university. This persistent and self-reinforcing prestige gap, relative to adjacent fields, led us to expect a patterned reception of the public sphere concept, including lighter engagement, a delayed uptake, a one-way citation pattern, and a key role for in-field ambassadors. As a test of our hypothesis, we conducted a comparative analysis of journal articles citing Habermas and the public sphere (HPS) over time. We selected ten U.S. communication journals, and compared these to ten more-or-less analogous journals in three other U.S. disciplines: political science, sociology and history. Using full-text and title/abstract keyword searches, we measured the timing, frequency and reciprocity of HPS references in the twenty journals. With the exception of the hypothesized role for in-field “translators” the journal analysis supported our initial expectations. Communication literature appeared later and less frequently. Scholars outside communication research were far less likely to cite articles by communication scholars than the reverse pattern—references to communication scholars by historians, political scientists, and sociologists. The communication articles, moreover, were significantly under-cited relative to their counterpart papers in the other disciplines. We conclude that the U.S. American discipline’s legitimacy problems have intellectual consequences. In particular, ideas flow in from the outside, but the field’s own ideas tend not to travel back. The Habermas/public sphere-case, we suggest, provides tentative support for this broader claim. The German “public sphere” concept arrived late, and seems to have passed through other, higher-prestige U.S. disciplines first.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Besonderheiten der Rezeption des Öffentlichkeitskonzepts (Public Sphere) von Habermas in der US-amerikanischen Communication Research anhand wissenssoziologischer Faktoren. Dabei heben wir zwei zusammenwirkende Faktoren hervor, die für die verspätete und insbesondere unvollständige Rezeption der habermasschen Ideen mitverantwortlich zeichnen: (1) Die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg stattfindende Institutionalisierung der angehenden Wissenschaftsdisziplin „Kommunikation“ aus bis dahin bestehenden Journalism Schools und auf Rhetorik spezialisierten Speech Departments heraus; sowie (2) den spezifischen Verlauf der Übersetzung und der transnationalen Aneignung des Public-Sphere-Konzepts von Habermas in den 1990er Jahren. Wir argumentieren, dass das institutionelle Fundament der Kommunikationswissenschaft in den USA mit dazu beigetragen hat eine grundständige Auseinandersetzung mit „public sphere“ durch KommunikationswissenschaftlerInnen zu verhindern oder zumindest zu verzögern. Unsere hier nur teilweise getestete Hypothese lautet, dass das relativ zu den Nachbardisziplinen gesehen niedrige Prestige der Kommunikationswissenschaft innerhalb der amerikanischen Universitätskultur für die Art und Form, wie Ideen und Konzepte in der Disziplin aufgenommen, dort verarbeitet und aus dieser wieder exportiert werden, mitverantwortlich ist. Im Fall der Public Sphere nehmen wir an, dass Habermas‘ Arbeit zuerst von amerikanischen Geschichtswissenschaftlern und Vertretern der traditionellen Social Sciences aufgenommen worden ist und erst dann, in einem zweiten Schritt aus solchen Disziplinen mit höherem Prestige an die Kommunikationswissenschaft gewissermaßen „weitergereicht“ worden ist. Die Public Sphere ist, so unsere Annahme, in der US-Kommunikationswissenschaft, in Anlehnung an das bekannte Modell von Lazarsfeld und Katz (1955) gesprochen, in einem Two-Step-Flow angekommen. Aufgrund des in der Geschichte ihrer Institutionalisierung wurzelnden anhaltend niedrigen Prestiges der Kommunikationswissenschaft erwarteten wir für die Rezeption des Public Sphere Konzepts, dass diese charakterisiert sein würde durch eine insgesamt „leichtere“ Auseinandersetzung, eine verzögerte Übernahme, ein einseitiges Zitationsmuster (Kommunikationswissenschaftler zitieren, aber werden nicht zitiert) und wenige „Botschafter“ des Konzepts innerhalb des Feldes, denen eine Schlüsselrolle für die Rezeption und künftige Deutung des Konzepts innerhalb der Disziplin zukommt. Um unsere Annahme zu testen, wurde eine vergleichende Analyse von Journalbeiträgen, die Habermas und die Public Sphere (HPS) zitieren, im Zeitverlauf unternommen. Dafür haben wir zehn Communication Journals aus den USA mit zehn (bezüglich Relevanz und Status in der Disziplin) vergleichbaren Journals aus drei anderen US-Disziplinen verglichen: der Politikwissenschaft, Soziologie und Geschichte. Auf Basis von Volltext, Titel/Abstract und Keyword-Suchen wurden der Zeitverlauf, die Häufigkeit und die Wechselseitigkeit von HPS-Referenzen untersucht. Die Journal-Analyse bestätigte unsere ursprüngliche Annahme, was die Rolle von Botschaftern und Übersetzungspionieren innerhalb des Feldes betraf: Die entsprechenden kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Beiträge erschienen später und in geringerer Häufigkeit. Zudem bestätigte sich, dass Zitationen von kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Beiträgen wesentlich seltener waren, als das umgekehrte Zitationsmuster, also Zitationen von Historikern, Politikwissenschaftlern und Soziologen durch KommunikationswissenschaftlerInnen. Generell wurden die kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Artikel deutlich weniger zitiert als jene aus den benachbarten Disziplinen. Wir folgern daraus, dass die Legitimationsprobleme der Disziplin in den USA intellektuelle Konsequenzen haben. Im untersuchten Fall zeigt sich dies darin, dass zwar Ideen und Konzepte in die Disziplin einreisen, aber es kaum einen Rückreiseverkehr und Wiederexport aus der Kommunikationswissenschaft gibt. Das Beispiel von Habermas und der Public Sphere kann, so nehmen wir an, stellvertretend für eine grundsätzlich bestehende Situation gelesen werden.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
See also the sharp takeoff of appearances of “public sphere” on Google Ngram Viewer in 1989: https://books.google.com/ngrams.
- 3.
There are a handful of article-length treatments, as well as dissertations that focus on important figures, like Wilbur Schramm, and particular departments. See Cartier (1988), Chaffee and Rogers (1997), Delia (1987, pp. 73–84), Dickson (1999, pp. 60–96), Fish (1984), King (1990), Peters's (1986), Sproule (2008), Weaver and Gray (1980). The following paragraphs draw on material and language from Pooley (2011).
- 4.
- 5.
As Craig (1995) has observed, the U.S. discipline has “scarcely more than a single, culturally very potent symbol, ‘communication’, a word still trendy enough to attract students, legitimate enough to keep skeptical colleagues at bay for a while, and ambiguous enough to serve as a lowest common denominator for our otherwise largely unrelated scholarly and professional pursuits” (p. 178).
- 6.
“Communication” was first included in the 2003 National Research Council doctoral-research assessment study (Ostriker and Kuh 2003, pp. 20–24).
- 7.
The historiography of postwar U.S. economics is an arguable exception, though work on economics’ relationship to the other social sciences has focused on economists’ indifference, on the one hand, and “imperialism” (especially in the last forty years), on the other. See Backhouse and Fontaine (2010).
- 8.
One of the telling challenges to including communication in a study of this kind is that many communication journals are not indexed in Web of Science. The database’s “Communication” category, moreover, maps poorly onto the field’s self-understood boundaries. See Leydesdorff and Probst (2009, p. 1710), Funkhouser (1996) and Rice et al. (1996).
- 9.
Bourdieu’s field-theory framework, even before getting filtered through the translation lens, has arguable relevance to the questions we are asking here. The field metaphor provides a way to conceptualize relative position within a social structure. Bourdieu himself frequently wrote (e.g., 1999) about the peculiar reputational consequences of the academic field’s proximity to other kinds of fields—say the broader field of power. But his focus was typically on the effects of this kind of proximity on the reputations internal to fields, not between disciplines. Intellectual or academic fields are treated in most of his work—though with the notable exception of Homo Academicus (1988)—as relatively autonomous and by implication in a more or less equal relationship with one another. It is easy enough to imagine, however, the creative re-deployment of the idea of heterodoxy, as typically defined in relation to individuals, to the prestige and power dynamics between academic disciplines. This is indeed what the Bourdieu-oriented sociology of translation work suggests, if only in terms of differently positioned national disciplines. For insightful applications of Bourdieu to the history of German and U.S. American communication research, see, for example, work by Michael Meyen and his students (Meyen 2012; Meyen and Löblich 2007; Löblich and Scheu 2011; Scheu and Wiedemann 2008).
- 10.
See Snell-Hornby (2006) for a superb history of translation studies up through the turn of the century.
- 11.
One of the revealing challenges of our research design was that full-text database search capabilities—especially in terms of depth of backfile—are weaker and more decentralized than their counterpart journals in political science, history and sociology. In the better-established disciplines, all ten journals included for study had their entire publishing run (often exceeding 100 years) available on the gold-standard JSTOR service. By contrast, just one of the communication journals—Rhetoric Society Quarterly—is searchable on JSTOR. The other communication journals’ full-text search capabilities are restricted to proprietary publisher databases that, in many cases, do not include the full print-run. The lack of communication-research representation in JSTOR, we contend, is itself a reflection of the low-prestige dynamics we identified above.
- 12.
The phrase is Bourdieu’s (1997), as applied to sociology (p. 452).
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Pooley, J., Schwarzenegger, C. (2017). Faulty Reception: The Institutional Roots of U.S. Communication Research’s Neglect of Public Sphere Scholarship. In: Averbeck-Lietz, S. (eds) Kommunikationswissenschaft im internationalen Vergleich. Medien • Kultur • Kommunikation. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-18950-5_12
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