Zusammenfassung
In den frühen 90er Jahren lebte ich in der Wüste Rajasthans im Nordwesten Indiens, nahe bei einem der größten Bewässerungs- und Umsiedlungsprojekte der Welt. Finanziert und organisiert wurde das Projekt von vielen der großen internationalen Finanz- und Entwicklungsorganisationen — der Weltbank, der kanadischen, japanischen und schwedischen Entwicklungshilfe, UNICEF und der Ford Foundation. Zwei Millionen Hektar Wüstengebiet wurden im Namen der Entwicklung modernisiert. Während ich meiner ethnographischen Feldforschung nachging, wimmelte es an diesem Ort von Entwicklungshelfern und Experten, die alle in den hoffnungsvollsten Tönen von der Revitalisierung und Verbesserung der Gemeingüter1 in der Wüste Rajasthans sprachen. Sie wollten Vereinigungen der Kanalnutzer gründen, Praktiken des joint forest management entwickeln, gemeinsame Märkte für Viehzüchter schaffen sowie Produktionskooperativen für Frauen ins Leben rufen und aufbauen, was sie die „neuen Institutionen des commons management“ nannten. Auf einem Treffen, bei dem diese Ideen dargelegt wurden, erhob sich einer nach dem anderen der kleinen Kanalnutzer und wies diese eingeführten Ideen zurück: „Was soll denn eine Kooperative der Wasserverbraucher bringen“, fragte ein Mann, „wenn alle Entscheidungen bezüglich des Wassers schon getroffen worden sind. Ihr wollt nur, daß wir unter uns um das wenige Wasser streiten, das Ihr uns bereitstellt. Ihr nehmt uns die Wüste und dafür bietet Ihr uns einen Wasserhahn.“
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Goldman, M. (1998). Allmacht und Allmende. In: Flitner, M., Görg, C., Heins, V. (eds) Konfliktfeld Natur. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95110-6_4
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