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Abstract

Though addressed primarily to students of religion, this paper is not concerned with religious phenomena in a narrow sense. In attempting to contribute to the literature on the social-psychological aspects of sectarianism, it presents data on social groups which may be considered “secular sects” of the “political” variety.1

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Anmerkungen

  1. Wellman J. Warner, “Sect” in Julius Gould and William L. Kolb (eds.), A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, New York: The Free Press, 1964;

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  5. Robert E. Park, “Characteristics of the Sect” (1932) in On Social Control and Collective Behaviour, Ralph H. Tuner (Ed.), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967. In referring to “political” sects I am following general usage, rather than (as will be clear below) making judgements regarding the instrumentality or rational goals of these groups. Eichler’s critique of Murvar, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 11, No. 2, June 1972, pp. 187–191

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  29. The Internationalists tried to ensure that the family was at least neutralized as a rival claimant on an individual’s loyalty, and if possible tried to involve it in the sect. The familiy may be said to present the greatest challenge to the sect in this regard. On this point see Coser, Op. Cit. p. 362; Edwin Lemert, Social Pathology, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1951, pp. 220–221

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  33. In a Durkheimian sense. See the classic discussion in E. Dürkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, New York: Collier Books, 1961.

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  40. Writers on social movements have commented on the fact that a participant derives a certain “status” within the context of his group’s sense of reality. The political sect provides its members with the status of membership in an elect. They can, therefore, look with intellectual superiority on outsiders while, at the same time, priding themselves upon their moral worth as assailants of an evil social order. The Internationalist, though stigmatized by outsiders, sees himself as having leapt in stature through membership in the sect. The sect may provide “status” in this sense, therefore, to “up-and-outers” as well as “down-and-outers”. See the discussion of MRA in C. S. Braden, These Also Believe, New York: MacMillan & Co., 1949, p. 409

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  48. S. L. P. doctrine is essentially unchanged since it was expounded at the turn of the century by the movement’s towering figure Daniel de Leon, an American intellectual of South- American origins. The S.L.P. boasts that De Leon is the only person to have made any important additions to Marxism. The S.L.P. has published a number of eulogies to De Leon. See, for example, Daniel De Leon: The Man and his Work, A Symposium (1934) A. Petersen, Daniel De Leon: Social Architect (1941) I. M. Johnson, Daniel De Leon: American Socialist Pathfinder.

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  62. B. R. Wilson, Religion in Secular Society: A Sociological Comment, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1969, p. 212. We would echo this statement in the context of political sects.

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  63. The dichotomy of “Sect-Party” would seem to be useful in this context for we might consider processes of development from sect to party and from party to sect. We might also consider why groups originating as sects remain as such, and we might explore the varieties of sect origins. We might consider how far the particular origin of a sect implies “immanent” potential for a particular line of development. On “sect versus party” see E. Bernstein, „Von der Sekte zur Partei”, Jena. Eugen Diedrichs, 1911 (especially pp. 2–8); R. Michels, First Lectures in Political Sociology, New York: Harper & Row, 1965, p. 122;

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  68. This term was coined as an alternative to “established sect” by Harold W. Pfautz. See his “The Sociology of Secularization: Religious Groups”, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 61, 1955, pp. 121–128

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  69. It is also preferred by Roland Robertson, The Sociological Interpretation of Religion, New York: Schocken Books, 1970

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  70. The case of the sect is a special aspect of a general problem: the basis of religious versus secular orientations in collective behaviour and social movements, a problem compounded by the difficulty of distinguishing “religious” from “secular” behaviour in many circumstances. On the origins of religious and secular movements, see W. Stark, Op. Cit., pp. 51- 59 N. J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behaviour, New York: The Free Press 1962, pp. 313–338.

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  73. See for example, P. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound, London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1957

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  74. E. J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels, New York: The Norton Library, 1965. (First published 1959). Few Sociologists of Religion would wish to maintain today Park’s association of religion ipso facto with “expressive” behaviour oriented “beyond the limits of human experience and control”. (R. E. Park, “Characteristics of the Sect” in Op. Cit., pp. 243 -244.)

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  75. See for example, B. R. Wilson, Sects and Society, p. 4; W. Stark, Op. Cit., pp. 51–59; M. Waltzer, The Revolution of the Saints, New York: Atheneum Publishers, 1968

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  76. N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, London: Mercury Books, 1961. For an interesting recent contribution of this literature

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  78. This phrase plays on Dennis Wrong’s famous “Oversocialized Conception of Man”. See D. H. Wrong, “The Oversocialized Conception of Man in Modern Sociology”, American Sociological Review, Vol. 26, No. 2,1961

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  79. This is Selznick’s term. See P. Selznick, The Organizational Weapon, Glencoe: The Free Press, 1952

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O’Toole, R. (1975). Some Social-Psychological Aspects of Sectarian Social-Movements: A Study in Politics and Religion. In: Beiträge zur Wissenssoziologie, Beiträge zur Religionssoziologie / Contributions to the Sociology of Knowledge Contributions to the Sociology of Religion. Internationales Jahrbuch für Wissens- und Religionssoziologie / International Yearbook of Knowledge and Religion, vol 9. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-84128-5_10

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-84128-5_10

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