Abstract
The history of the conflict between professional creationists and anti-creationists in the United States consists of numerous actions, such as publications, forming coalitions, developing and disseminating labels and arguments, criticizing opposing views, and many others. These actions are instruments of power in a struggle that is about enforcing views on the relationship between god and nature. As part of a power struggle, these actions can be seen as investments of different types of capital (social, cultural, economic, and symbolic), which are accumulated and exchanged. At the same time, they are expressions of different worldviews the groups and individuals participating in the conflict use to make sense of their social, cultural, and physical environment.
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Notes
- 1.
Rickert 1986.
- 2.
Weber 2012, pp. 100–138.
- 3.
See Sect. 5.2.
- 4.
See Sect. 6.2.
- 5.
This means that the groups all possess and put forward arguments that legitimate their participation in the conflict, and that this legitimation is based, at least in part, on the existence of opposing parties in the field. See Sect. 6.3.2.
- 6.
This approach does not entail an answer to another methodological question that results from this process of distancing, namely, how the value application of the researcher is justified, if it is not drawn from one of the positions within the field itself. Why are history, order, and person categories that can count as valid objects of social scientific analysis at all? Rickert’s solution to this problem was to distinguish between subjective, individual values, and broader, more generally held “cultural values” (Kulturwerte or Kulturwertideen). According to his perspective, the analytical view held in this and the following chapters is based on those cultural values, since history, order, and person are categories of general interest, and represent aspects of the conflict that can be deemed influential. Neither Rickert’s critics (such as Guy Oakes, see Oakes 1990 nor the author of the present study are completely satisfied with this solution, but the subsequent analyses and their results will hopefully show this approach to be fruitful nonetheless.
- 7.
Morris 1984.
- 8.
Whitcomb and Morris 1961.
- 9.
Morris 1984, pp. 17–18.
- 10.
Ibid., p. 223.
- 11.
Ibid., pp. 21–29.
- 12.
Ibid., p. 19.
- 13.
Morris 1984, p. 77; emphasis added. With regard to the Scopes Trial, Morris’ says that the reason why creationism suffered a defeat is that William Jennings Bryan was not able to present a credible creationist viewpoint, because he adhered to Day/Age creationism, which holds that every creation day actually means a long age in the history of the earth. Morris is clear that, had Bryan adopted a Young Earth position, the outcome would have been different. „Darrow [Clarence Darrow, John Scopes’ defense lawyer, who interrogated Bryan], of course, made the most of it, ridiculing the idea of people claiming to believe the Bible was inspired when its meaning was so flexible that one could make it say whatever he wished!“(Ibid., p. 66.)
- 14.
Ibid., pp. 55–56.
- 15.
See Sect. 3.1.
- 16.
Morris 1984, p. 145.
- 17.
Ibid., p. 186.
- 18.
Ibid., p. 307.
- 19.
Ibid.
- 20.
Ibid., p. 311.
- 21.
Ibid., p. 317.
- 22.
Ibid.
- 23.
Ibid., p. 324.
- 24.
Ibid., pp. 331–332.
- 25.
Ibid., p. 332.
- 26.
Ibid., pp. 333–335.
- 27.
See Sect. 5.1.
- 28.
See Sect. 8.1.
- 29.
Dawkins 2006, p. 60.
- 30.
Ibid., p. 61.
- 31.
The most prominent of these kinds of collaboration happened between Henry Morris and Tim LaHaye, one of the leading figures of the New Christian Right, and author of the popular Left Behind book series. In 1970, both co-founded the Christian Heritage College (which today is called San Diego Christian College). For their history construct, see also LaHaye 1980, Morris 1984.
- 32.
- 33.
- 34.
For instance, Daniel Dennett and Richard Dawkins have been supporters of the movement The Brights, which serves as a lobbying group for „person[s] who [have] a naturalistic world view“ (see The Brights’ Network 2018). Dawkins (2006, p. 380) suggested that atheism should be politicized in the same way as homosexuality, since the situation of both groups shares many similarities.
- 35.
Dawkins 2006, pp. 272–278.
- 36.
Islamist terrorist attacks in London on July 7, 2005.
- 37.
Dawkins 2006, p. 1.
- 38.
Harris 2004, p. 109.
- 39.
Ibid., p. 108.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
Woodward 2003.
- 43.
Ibid., p. 10.
- 44.
See Sect. 3.2.
- 45.
Kuhn 1996.
- 46.
Woodward 2003, p. 28.
- 47.
Ibid., pp. 33–45.
- 48.
Ibid., pp. 38–39.
- 49.
Denton 1986.
- 50.
Woodward 2003, p. 45.
- 51.
Ibid., p. 50.
- 52.
Ibid., pp. 62–63.
- 53.
Ibid., pp. 65–91.
- 54.
Ibid., p. 64.
- 55.
Johnson 1991.
- 56.
Woodward 2003, pp. 93–94.
- 57.
Ibid., p. 130.
- 58.
Ibid., p. 131.
- 59.
Ibid., p. 190.
- 60.
Ibid., pp. 189–210.
- 61.
Ibid., p. 195. The phrase that Intelligent Design is „creationism[!] in a cheap tuxedo“ goes back to paleontologist Leonard Krishtalka, see Slevin 2005.
- 62.
Woodward 2003, pp. 195–196.
- 63.
Ibid., pp. 81, 99–100.
- 64.
See Sect. 3.2.1.
- 65.
Center for the Renewal of Science and Culture [1998], p. 1.
- 66.
All quotes ibid.
- 67.
See Sect. 3.2.
- 68.
Purdom 2010.
- 69.
Ibid.
- 70.
Dennett 1995, p. 521.
- 71.
Cf. Hitchens 2007, p. 6: „Our belief is not a belief. Our principles are not a faith. We do not rely solely upon science and reason, because these are necessary rather than sufficient factors, but we distrust anything that contradicts science or outrages reason. We may differ on many things, but what we respect is free inquiry, openmindedness, and the pursuit of ideas for their own sake.“
- 72.
See Sect. 6.3.1.
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Kaden, T. (2019). Creationist and Anti-Creationist Views on the History of their Conflict. In: Creationism and Anti-Creationism in the United States. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99380-5_7
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