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Coastal Heritage and Cultural Resilience pp 79–112Cite as

A History of Nacre and Pearls in the Gulf of California

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Part of the book series: Ethnobiology ((EBL))

Abstract

Few topics about the environmental history of a fishing resource are as fascinating as the human use and exploitation of pearl oysters and the various societies involved in this activity. Human–pearl relations have been present in a global context for thousands of years. Throughout the existence of this relationship, a dense socioeconomic, political, and cultural framework has been woven over and over, forming a mosaic. This mosaic, ubiquitous to coastal regions and periods, results from overexploitation-resilience cycles that have culminated in the gradual depletion of natural banks and the emergence of cultivation technologies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    English chemist, Cameron Douglas-Castle registered a patent in the United Statesin 1906 (US809909) claiming the manufacture of “artificial mother-of-pearl” out of shell and mica powder. The know-how took several years (and enhancements) to reach commercial level while the declination of natural stocks was unstoppable. By browsing the internet databases (e.g., journals, magazines, open-access libraries, and special-interest channels such as the Gemological Institute of America and Pearl Guide), it seems that artificial marine nacre acquired presence in the market since the early 1950. Nevertheless, it is difficult to set a precise date because the industry also exploited some large naiads inhabiting continental rivers and lakes, mainly the Mississippi region (U.S.).

  2. 2.

    The Internet provides plenty of information and details about methods and techniques to cultivate shell-bearing mollusks and induce production of every kind on them, particularly pearl oysters, naiads, queen conch and abalone. Sources include manuals, pictures, slides, videos, formal publications, documents from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, vendors of surgery instruments and anesthetic compounds, specialist and not-so-specialist web pages and interest groups, and so on.

  3. 3.

    This modality is called “capture-based extensive culture” or “enclosure modality.” It is still used by many modern commercial farms of P. maxima in southeast Asia and northwestern Australia (the Broome-Exmouth area), usually under draconian rules (e.g., expensive fines for violating restrictions on minimum and maximum size, sites, quota, seasons, management, equipment, and so on), especially in Australia. The modality also applies to carnivorous fish ranching (tuna, skipjack), shrimp husbandry in ponds, naiad farming, and other examples. To a certain extent, the traditional management of ornamental marine species may be assigned to this modality.

  4. 4.

    Professor Denis George (+ 2007) assisted in the development of a pearl farm (P. mazatlanica) at La Paz Bay from 1970 to 1972. It was the first successful project since the CCCP, but personal rivalries with government actors resulted in decommission and closure just a few days before the farmers had planned to harvest the first generation. The farm had more than 10,000 animals, each with at least a Mabé pearl. Professor George himself told us the pearls were beautiful (personal communication, May 1994). The fate of this material is unknown.

  5. 5.

    Cahn (1949) is a meticulous disclosure of the long-secret Japanese “pearl files” on P. martensi and the naiad Hyriposis schlegeli (endemic to Lake Biwa, Japan, and almost extinct today). This report is regarded as one of the most influential factors in the subsequent spread of pearl oyster farms based on larger species.

  6. 6.

    M.H. Gervis compiled a bibliographic list containing 1227 references to a large variety of studies on pearls oysters done to that date (Gervis 1991). Except for a few cases, it does not break down the list of publications in the 22 volumes of the Bulletin. It should be noted that before 1990 the complete collection was available for consult only in situ and only in a very small number of non-Japanese institutional libraries: University of California San Diego, Library of Congress, Washington, DC (incomplete), and Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris.

  7. 7.

    The “Mar de Cortés” (also Cortes, Cortéz, Cortez), also known as the Sea of Cortez, should not exist. It is a looting schema and geographically incorrect; also, each user writes it differently whether in English, Spanish, or French (see Monteforte 2008; Monteforte and Cariño 2009).

  8. 8.

    The term placer relates to mining sites, i.e., profitable deposits of gold, silver, precious stones, or other valuable minerals. A placer perlero (pearly pleasure) is a site with an abundance of large, healthy pearl oysters and good incidence of natural pearls.

  9. 9.

    The “Galeón de Manila” or “Nao de China” or “Nao de Manila” was the generic name for big commercial sail-ships that travelled the transpacific route back and forth twice a year … between the Philippines and the major Mexican ports over the Pacific coast (Cabo San Lucas, South Baja California, Banderas and San Blas bays in Nayarit, and Acapulco, Guerrero). The Naos had different names (Santísima Trinidad, Nuestra Señora de Covadonga, etc.)

  10. 10.

    An armada was a fleet formed by a steam vessel—a brig, frigate, or sloop—and a number of small canoes. Some armadores even had pilot boats to move bulky air-compressor machines and diving gear such as scaphander helmets, canvas suits, lead plummets, long rubber hoses, and cables, plus the cabo de vida (pump-man) and crew. Generally, the armador was not proprietary of the fleet but an employee of richer businessmen. Problems among armadores and divers were frequent because the latter lived eternally in debt. In addition, paying the divers in advance for a diving season was customary, but often a number of them furtively escaped with the money and did no work. This was a pursued crime, along with the concealment of harvested pearls; this robbery was the logical consequence of low salaries and hard working conditions.

  11. 11.

    The decree of 1940 established mother-of-pearl (Pinctada mazatlanica) as a species “in danger of extinction.” Its status was changed in 1994 to “under special protection.” None of these decrees underlined Pt. sterna but its commercial fishery is rather illegal. However, both species are extracted somewhat clandestinely on a small scale for shell artcrafts and immediate consumption in snack stalls, particularly Pt. sterna, which is called “callo de árbol.” On occasion, they are part of the fisherfolk’s lunch during fishing journeys or become souvenirs for irresponsible tourists.

  12. 12.

    Contains a compilation of the certified package of extensive culture and pearl production of P. mazatlanica and Pt. sterna.

  13. 13.

    SAGARPA: Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural, Pesca y Alimentación. CONAPESCA: Comisión Nacional de Pesca y Acuacultura. PROFEPA: Procuraduría Federal de Protección al Ambiente. SEMARNAT: Secretaría del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales.

  14. 14.

    The gap in these patrimonial rights was exploited by Chilean academics and entrepreneurs in 2004–2005. They were assisted by a Mexican specialist in an unsuccessful trial of hatchery and/or extensive culture and production of pearls in Pt. sterna. This species’ latitudinal range usually extends north and south its normal distribution in the Panamic province due to temporary effects of El Niño/La Niña phenomena and/or anomalies of climate change. A subsequent, yet indirect, consequence of this gap was the swift introduction of abalone broodstock and foreign experts in Chile during the early 1970s—Haliotis rufescens (from Baja California) and H. discus (from Japan). In the former case, the expert also was Mexican. The outcome was the development of abalone farming in Chile on an industrial scale within a few years. Therefore, the coincidence of interests in cultured pearls and again Mexican assistance—now in abalone pearls—led to a logical expectation of profitability and the crafting of a tailor-made patent issued in 2015, which was restricted to Chilean jurisdiction in order to control knowledge related to a prosperous Chilean industry. Behind this patent lies two factors: (1) the inefficiency of patenting agencies in situations that are on the cutting edge of cloning and (2) plagiarism of deliberately uncited state-of-the-art sources, regardless of the high visibility of top-positioned sources in popular Internet browsers and academic databases (Monteforte and Bervera 2010; Monteforte et al. 2017b).

  15. 15.

    The decree on pearl oyster farming (DOF 2013) did not change the status of “special protection” for P. mazatlanica established in 1994, and, in fact, explicitly extended protection to Pt. sterna.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Centro de Investigaciones Biológicas del Noroeste, La Paz, Mexico

    Mario Monteforte

  2. Universidad Autónoma de Baja California Sur, La Paz, Mexico

    Micheline Cariño-Olvera

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  1. Mario Monteforte
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  1. School of Language, Culture, and Society, College of Liberal Arts, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA

    Lisa L. Price

  2. CoLaboratorio de Oceanografía Social, Centro de Estudios en Geografía Humana, El Colegio de Michoacán, A.C., La Piedad, Michoacán, Mexico

    Nemer E. Narchi

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Monteforte, M., Cariño-Olvera, M. (2018). A History of Nacre and Pearls in the Gulf of California. In: Price, L., Narchi, N. (eds) Coastal Heritage and Cultural Resilience. Ethnobiology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99025-5_5

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