Abstract
The civil war that broke out in Yemen in 2015 has grown more complex and precarious. What started as a Saudi-led military intervention against the Houthi insurgency has mutated into something far more difficult to resolve. This chapter analyses the intervention through a strategic lens, arguing that it should be viewed more scientifically in terms of why Riyadh has found it difficult to balance the means with its stated ends. Far more important a concern is the lingering persistence of the view held by international state actors that the military instrument holds the promise of bringing a swift and decisive end to complex disputes. If the Saudi intervention tells us anything it is that launching a military campaign without an appreciation of the dynamics of the society which state actors seek to modify is likely to make matters worse. Edwards argues that if intervention is chosen as a course of action, the intervening party must have a more thorough understanding of the context within which force is deployed and employed in service of stated end goals. It suggests that, ultimately, diplomacy and not force is more likely to yield long-term stability in Yemen.
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Notes
- 1.
The deadliest attacks occurred in the Badr mosque on the south side of Sanaa in March 2015. Almost 150 people were killed and twice as many injured after one explosion inside the mosque and another at the gates as worshippers fled. Another attack took place at the al-Hashahush mosque in the north of the city. The attacks were claimed by the Yemeni branch of Daesh. See “Yemen: over 100 dead in suicide bombings at Houthi mosques in Sanaa”, The Guardian, 22 March 2015.
- 2.
For example, it is estimated that, of Yemen’s 26.18 million population, approximately 18 million people are dependent on food aid.
- 3.
Due to space constraints, it is impossible to elaborate upon the concept of the ‘failed state’, or whether or not we should categorise Yemen as a ‘failed state’, a term that has come to shape US policy towards unstable parts of the world. For a fuller discussion of this point see Wedeen (2010) and Carment et al. (2015).
- 4.
Saleh’s most trusted general, Ali Mohsen, even married one of al-Fadhli’s sisters. Interview with a member of the al-Fadhli family, December 2012.
- 5.
This point was made in July 2010 when one of the UK’s most senior counter-terrorism officers acknowledged at an event in Chatham House how AQAP had come to represent the greatest threat to UK national security. These remarks followed in the wake of the attempted Christmas Day bomb attack in Detroit in 2009. They were to gain more traction in October 2010 when it was discovered that AQAP had attempted to bring down aircraft with a plot to detonate explosives secreted in printer cartridges. For more analysis of the threat posed by AQAP at that time (see Phillips 2011).
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Edwards, A. (2019). ‘Fighting Out Its Own Complex and Fatal Destiny’? On the Limitations on the Use of Force in Yemen. In: Clack, T., Johnson, R. (eds) Before Military Intervention. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98437-7_4
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