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The Necropolitics of Spain’s Civil War Dead

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Abstract

Ribeiro de Menezes explores the political life of Spain’s Civil War dead in terms of the necropolitics that have shaped public memory and amnesia. Proposing that memory horizons are constantly shifting according to the demands and concerns of the present, the author offers a reading of the main commemorations of those who died in the war—including the iconic stories of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and Federico García Lorca—before noting that remembrance goes hand in hand with forgetting. Celebrated victims can be read within particular paradigms which obscure other victims and war dead. Ribeiro de Menezes thus concludes with a reflection on Moroccan soldiers who fought on both sides in the war and whose memory has been largely ignored in recent memory discussions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Katherine Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New York: Columbia University Press , 1999).

  2. 2.

    Francisco Ferrándiz, El pasado bajo tierra: Exhumaciones contemporáneas de la Guerra Civil (Barcelona: Anthropos, 2014).

  3. 3.

    Anne Fuchs, “Towards an Ethics of Remembering: The Walser-Bubis Debate and the Other of Discourse ,” German Quarterly 75 (2002), 235–47 (236).

  4. 4.

    Jo Labanyi, “Emotional Competence and the Discourses of Suffering in the Television Series Amar en tiempos revueltos,” in Engaging the Emotions in Spanish Culture and History, ed. Luisa Elena Delgado, Pura Fernández, and Jo Labayni (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press , 2016), 225–41 (229).

  5. 5.

    Francisco Ferrándiz and Antonius C.G.M. Robben develop the term from Achile Mbembe’s work; see their edited volume, Necropolitics : Mass Graves and Exhumations in the Age of Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press , 2015).

  6. 6.

    Helen Graham, “The Memory of Murder: Mass Killing, Incarceration and the Making of Francoism,” in Guerra y memoria en la España contemporánea/ War and Memory in Contemporary Spain , ed. Alison Ribeiro de Menezes, Roberta Ann Quance, and Anne L. Walsh (Madrid : Verbum, 2009), 29–49 (29).

  7. 7.

    Drew Gilpin Faust , This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Vintage, 2008), xi.

  8. 8.

    Layla Renshaw offers a good analysis of Francoist necropolitics in her study, Exhuming Loss: Memory Materiality and Mass Graves of the Spanish Civil War (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press , 2011).

  9. 9.

    Gilpin Faust , This Republic of Suffering, xv.

  10. 10.

    Gilpin Faust , This Republic of Suffering, xvi.

  11. 11.

    Interestingly, there are numerous references to the work of death in Dionisio Ridruejo’s memoir of fighting with the Blue Division in Russia during World War II , where he describes the handling of bodies during the severe winter of 1941–1942 and the consequences of the spring thaw; Cuadernos de Rusia: Diario 19411942, prologue Jordi Gracia, ed. Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (Madrid : Fórcola Ediciones, 2013).

  12. 12.

    There is a growing bibliography on Spanish Civil War and dictatorship memory. Some of the more encompassing book-length studies include: Joan Ramon Resina, Disremembering the Dictatorship: The Politics of Memory in the Spanish Transition to Democracy (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000); Ofelia Ferrán, Working Through Memory: Writing and Remembrance in Contemporary Spanish Narrative (Cranbury: Associated University Presses, 2007); Samuel Amago, and Carlos Jerez Farrán, Unearthing Franco’s Legacy : Mass Graves and the Recovery of Historical Memory in Spain (Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press , 2010); Alison Ribeiro de Menezes, Embodying Memory in Contemporary Spain (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014); Ignacio Fernández de Mata (ed.), Lloros vueltos puños: El conflicto de los “desaparecidos” y vencidos de la Guerra Civil Española (Granada : Comares. 2016); Ofelia Ferrán, and Lisa Hilbink (eds.), Legacies of Violence in Contemporary Spain : Exhuming the Past, Understanding the Present (New York: Routledge, 2017).

  13. 13.

    Queralt Solé I Barjau, “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos: Los primeros traslados desde la provincia de Madrid ,” Hispania Nova, 9, http://hispanianova.rediris.es.

  14. 14.

    Justin Crumbaugh, “Afterlife and Bare Life: The Valley of the Fallen as a Paradigm of Government,” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 12, no. 4 (2011), 419–38 (420).

  15. 15.

    In the Nationalist zone, he became known as “el Ausente,” and Franco only officially revealed his death on 16 November 1938. Later, he was referred to via the exclamation “¡Presente!” with streets named after him and memorial stones placed in his honor across Spain ; see Julio Gil Pecharromán, José Antonio Primo de Rivera : Retrato de un visionario (Madrid : Temas de Hoy, 1996), 493, 524.

  16. 16.

    Gil Pecharromán, José Antonio Primo de Rivera , 522–26.

  17. 17.

    At the time of writing, the recently sworn-in government of Pedro Sánchez has proposed removing the remains of Franco from the Valley of the Fallen and is discussing resignifying the monument ; see Natalia Junquera, “El gobierno prepara la salida de Franco del Valle de los Caídos,” El País, 17 June 2018.

  18. 18.

    Gil Pecharromán, José Antonio Primo de Rivera , 525.

  19. 19.

    Peter Anderson, “In the Name of the Martyrs: Memory and Retribution in Francoist Southern Spain ,” Cultural and Social History 8 (2011), 355–70 (356).

  20. 20.

    Crumbaugh, “Afterlife and bare life,” 420.

  21. 21.

    Anderson, “In the Name of the Martyrs,” 364.

  22. 22.

    Solé I Barjau, “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.”

  23. 23.

    Andrea Hepworth, “Site of Memory and Dismemory: The Valley of the Fallen in Spain ,” Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 4 (2014), 463–85 (473).

  24. 24.

    Hepworth, “Site of Memory and Dismemory,” 483.

  25. 25.

    Solé I Barjau, “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.”

  26. 26.

    We have been much preoccupied by re-burials, but less so with the original burials; certainly Spain has no war cemeteries to rival the battlefield cemeteries of World War I . Antonio González-Ruibal makes the same observation in Volver a las trincheras: Una arqueología de la guerra civil española (Madrid : Alianza, 2016), 256–61.

  27. 27.

    General Military Archive , Avila (Archivo General Militar Avila, or AGMA), C.3039, Cp. 25/Burials, 27 January 1937. I am grateful to Anne Rosenbush for assistance with research at the Avila archive .

  28. 28.

    AGMA, C.3039, Cp. 25/Burials, 27 January 1937.

  29. 29.

    Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (New York: Verso, 2004).

  30. 30.

    Decisions on which bodies or mass graves would be transferred could be arbitrary; sometimes they depended on a need for more burial space in local cemeteries or a decision to exhume a fosa común; see Solé I Barjau, “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.”

  31. 31.

    It was declared to be for “los que cayeron en el camino de Dios y de la Patria,” Solé I Barjau “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.”

  32. 32.

    Hepworth, “Site of Memory and Dismemory,” 474.

  33. 33.

    Gareth Stockey, Valley of the Fallen: The (N)Ever Changing Face of General Franco’s Monument (Nottingham: Critical, Cultural and Communications Press , 2013), 23; see also Report by the Commission of Experts on the Future of the Valley of the Fallen , http://www.memoriahistorica.gob.es/es-es/vallecaidos/Paginas/ComisionExpertosVCaidos.aspx.

  34. 34.

    Solé I Barjau “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.”

  35. 35.

    Crumbaugh, “Afterlife and Bare Life,” 428.

  36. 36.

    Gil Pecharromán, José Antonio Primo de Rivera , 528.

  37. 37.

    Quoted in Melissa Dinverno , “Raising the Dead: García Lorca, Trauma and the Cultural Mediation of Mourning,” Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 9 (2005), 29–52. See also Luisa Elena Delgado, La nación singular: Fantasías de la normalidad española (19962011) (Madrid : Siglo XXI Editores, 2014), 121–22.

  38. 38.

    Dinverno, “Raising the Dead,” 31.

  39. 39.

    Maria M. Delgado, Federico García Lorca (Oxford: Routledge, 2008), 178.

  40. 40.

    Valis, in a response to the mainly left-wing associations that Lorca has garnered, explores Falangist and right-wing reactions to his death and readings that appropriated his poetry for Falangist ideas. She notes, “Lorca as a Falangist martyr has no basis in reality, but the sacrificial figure of the poet has deep roots,” being viewed with an “aura of transcendence […] a kind of redeemer, capable of rescuing men from their unfortunate lives,” “Lorca’s Agonía republicana and Its Aftermath,” Bulletin of Spanish Studies 91, no. 1–2 (2014), 267–94 (272).

  41. 41.

    Valis, “Lorca’s Agonía republicana,” 269, 274. We should, however, be careful with such readings, as Valis goes on to note (275): “The fiction of a fascist Lorca, while offensive to Republicans, needs to be seen in the context of the claims and counter-claims to the poet as both an instrument of propaganda and a life-enhancing myth. The real Lorca remains an enigma.”

  42. 42.

    Valis identifies a special issue of ABC in 1966 as the first Francoist homage to Lorca and notes how present-day Falangists still insist that he and José Antonio Primo de Rivera , who greatly admired the poet’s work, were friends; it is more likely that they were acquiantances. However, during the 1940s and early 1950s, Lorca was essentially “ausente,” his works unpublishable, and his “recuperation” by the Regime would be as an apolitical victim of the chaos of the start of the war , rather than of Nationalist forces.

  43. 43.

    Delgado, Federico García Lorca , 192–98.

  44. 44.

    There is also debate about the vocabulary of repression , with Francisco Espinsoa arguing against use of the term fusilados for paseados, since both terms conceal the illegal nature of such killings. He proposes homicidio as more appropriate; interview with TV Catalunya, quoted in Montse Armengou and Ricard Belis, Las fosas del silencio: ¿Hay un holocausto español?, prologue by Santiago Carrillo (Barcelona: Mondadori, 2006), 137. His point is a fair one, although his term has not become current in historical research.

  45. 45.

    All listed figures are taken from Santos Juliá , “Las cifras: estado de la cuestión,” in his edited volume, Víctimas de la guerra civil, 5th edn. (Madrid : Temas de hoy, 1999), 407–12.

  46. 46.

    Michael Richards, After the Civil War : Making Memory and Remaking Spain Since 1936 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2013), 59.

  47. 47.

    Ferrándiz, El pasado bajo tierra, 22.

  48. 48.

    Emilio Silva, founder of the Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (ARMH), labelled his missing grandfather such in a newspaper article published in 2000. Silva is usually credited with initiating the current wave of exhumations. The first exhumations under democracy , however, occurred between 1978 and 1981, and were, like the current ones, largely citizen-led. They were brought to an abrupt halt by the attempted military coup in the latter year. Ferrándiz notes that the notion of disappearances did exist in the context of Civil-War Spain , although not with the charged transnational resonances that it carries today. It was a procedural issue relating to the listing of the dead and missing in action; Ferrándiz, “De las fosas comunes a los derechos humanos: El descubrimiento de las desapariciones forzadas en la España contemporánea,” Revista de Antropología Social 19 (2010), 161–89.

  49. 49.

    Barbara A. Frey, “Los Desaparecidos: The Latin American Experience as a Narrative Framework for the International Norm against Enforced Disappearance ,” Hispanic Issues On Line 5, no. 1 (2009), 52–72 (68); International Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearances, http://www.ohchr.org/en/hrbodies/ced/pages/conventionced.aspx.

  50. 50.

    Ignacio Fernández de la Mata , “From Invisibility to Power: Spanish Victims and the Manipulation of Their Symbolic Capital,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 2–3 (2008), 253–64 (258).

  51. 51.

    Richard Ashby Wilson, “Afterword to ‘Anthropology and Human Rights in a New Key’: The Social Life of Human Rights ,” American Anthropologist 108 (2006), 77–83.

  52. 52.

    Ferrándiz, “De las fosas comunes a los derechos humanos,” 162.

  53. 53.

    Renshaw, Exhuming Loss, 232.

  54. 54.

    Butler, Precarious Life, 67.

  55. 55.

    Renshaw, Exhuming Loss, 140.

  56. 56.

    The terms in Spanish are, desaparecidos, represaliados and desconocidos; Renshaw, Exhuming Loss, 171.

  57. 57.

    Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin (London: Vintage, 2011), 402.

  58. 58.

    Susan Sontag, Regarding the Pain of Others (New York: Picador, 2003).

  59. 59.

    Judith Butler, Frames of War : When Is Life Grievable? (London: Verso, 2009), 100.

  60. 60.

    Wendy Brown, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press , 1995), 52.

  61. 61.

    Óscar Salgueiro Montaño, “El cementerio islámico de Granada : Sobre los procesos de recuperación del espacio público por la comunidad musulmana local,” Bandue 5 (2011), 201–28. The Nationalists also respected the right of Islamic soldiers fighting with them to religiously sensitive hospital care, and other administrative support. For a good survey, see Geoffrey Jensen, “Military Memories, History, and the Myth of Hispano-Arabic Identity in the Spanish Civil War ,” in Memory and Cultural History of the Spanish Civil War : Realms of Oblivion , ed. Aurora G. Morcillo (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014), 495–532 (511).

  62. 62.

    Solé I Barjau “Inhumados en el Valle de los Caídos.” There is one study of a contemporary exhumation that includes reference to Moroccan soldiers, but its findings are greatly disputed; see Rachel Carmen Caesar, “At the Crossroads of Love, Ritual and Archeology: The Exhumation of Mass Graves in Contemporary Spain ,” unpublished doctoral dissertation (University of California, Berkeley, 2014).

  63. 63.

    Susana Martin-Márquez, Disorientations: Spanish Colonialism in Africa and the Performance of Identity (New Haven: Yale University Press , 2008), 202.

  64. 64.

    Carmen T. Sotomayor Blázquez, “El moro traidor, el moro engañado: Variantes de esterotipo en el Romancero republicano,” Anaquel de Estudios Árabes 16 (2005), 233–49 (237).

  65. 65.

    Martin-Márquez, Disorientations, Chapter 5; Rocío Velasco de Castro, “La imagen del “moro” en la formulación e instrumentalización del africanismo franquista,” Hispania 74 (2014), 205–36 (219).

  66. 66.

    Velasco de Castro, “La imagen del “moro,” 219.

  67. 67.

    Sotomayor Blázquez, “El moro traidor, el moro engañado,” 239; Daniela Flesler, “De la inmigración marroquí a la invasión mora: Discursos pasados y presentes del (des)encuentro entre España y Marruecos,” Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 5 (2001), 73–88 (79).

  68. 68.

    Christian Koller, “Colonial Military Participation in Europe (Africa),” 19141918 Online: International Encyclopaedia of the First World War , http://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/colonial_military_participation_in_europe_africa.

  69. 69.

    Abdelatif Ben Salem, “La participación de los voluntarios árabes en las brigadas internacionales: una memoria rescatada,” in Marroquíes en la guerra civil española, ed. J. A. González Alcantud, Rachid Racha, and Mustafá Akalay (Barcelona: Anthropos, 2003), 111–31.

  70. 70.

    Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford: Stanford University Press , 2009).

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Ribeiro de Menezes, A. (2018). The Necropolitics of Spain’s Civil War Dead. In: Ribeiro de Menezes, A., Cazorla-Sánchez, A., Shubert, A. (eds) Public Humanities and the Spanish Civil War. Palgrave Studies in Cultural Heritage and Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97274-9_6

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