Abstract
Burnette examines the seasonality of employment and wages for day-labourers at eight farms throughout England in the period 1835–1844. She measures the number of days worked by men, boys and female workers each week of the year. Most employment peaks occurred either at the hay-harvest or at the corn harvest, and peak employment was anywhere from 40 to 190 per cent more than average employment. Some farms used migrant labour for harvest, some used the labour of women and children and some relied on local men. Male wages were highly seasonal in Norfolk, rising 83 per cent during harvest, but were less seasonal elsewhere. At some farms, wages changed little during harvest. Changes in wages were not strongly correlated with changes in employment.
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Notes
- 1.
Sokoloff and Dollar (1997), ‘Agricultural Seasonality’.
- 2.
Feinstein (1998), ‘Pessimism Perpetuated’.
- 3.
Blaug (1963), ‘The Myth of the Old Poor Law’; Boyer (1990), Economic History of the English Poor Law.
- 4.
Allen (2009), The British Industrial Revolution.
- 5.
Humphries and Weisdorf (2017), ‘Unreal Wages?’.
- 6.
Kussmaul (1981), Servants in Husbandry.
- 7.
Snell (1985), Annals of the Labouring Poor; Boyer (1990), Economic History of the English Poor Law; Goose (2006), ‘Farm service’.
- 8.
Sokoloff and Dollar (1997), ‘Agricultural Seasonality’.
- 9.
See Gielgud (1992), Nineteenth-Century Farm Women; Burnette (1999), ‘Labourers at the Oakes’; Verdon (2002), Rural Women Workers, and Burnette, ‘The Seasonality of English Agricultural Employment’.
- 10.
Burnette (2013), ‘The Seasonality of English Agricultural Employment’.
- 11.
Timmer (1969), ‘The Turnip’.
- 12.
Collins (1976), ‘Migrant Labour’.
- 13.
Computed as average weekly male-equivalent days of work divided by six. Male-equivalent days are total days worked by adult men, plus half of days worked by women and children.
- 14.
Servants were not immune to seasonality, though . Snell (1985), Annals of the Labouring Poor, uses poor law records to measure the seasonal patterns of unemployment for farm servants.
- 15.
Under the assumption that piece-rate payments are paid after work is done but not before, I take as the piece-rate work in week t the average of piece-rate payments in week t, t+1, and t+2.
- 16.
Sokoloff (1986), ‘Productivity Growth in Manufacturing’ makes the same assumption for US manufacturing. Burnette (2015), ‘The Paradox of Progress,’ establishes that women were approximately half as productive as men in US manufacturing, and I would not expect them to be more productive in agricultural work requiring strength. Wage ratios at these farms also suggest that women and boys were approximately half as productive as men.
- 17.
While Thorncombe is currently in Devon, it was located in Dorset in 1838. John Bragg had a small estate, renting only a few houses.
- 18.
Employment in the peak was 164 days, compared to an average week of 65 days.
- 19.
Timmer (1969), ‘The Turnip’.
- 20.
Timmer (1969), ‘The Turnip’, reports the total number of “monthly workers”. I report the sum of the total number of male-equivalent workers over all farms, where the total number of male-equivalent workers is days worked by men plus half of days worked by women and children in the week, divided by six.
- 21.
Armstrong (1988), Farmworkers, p. 23.
- 22.
Collins (1976), ‘Migrant Labour’, p. 40; Armstrong (1988), Farmworkers, p. 26.
- 23.
On August 28, 1841, 13s. was paid for “Hirring Money Harvest Men”. Norfolk R.O. WKC 5/250.
- 24.
The regression, on only eight observations, is: Per cent Increase in Total Employment = 2.10 + 0.48(Population Density) – 0.43(Per cent Increase in Male Wage). The coefficient on population density is significant at the 5 per cent level, but the coefficient on the wage is not.
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Burnette, J. (2018). Seasonal Patterns of Agricultural Day-Labour at Eight English Farms, 1835–1844. In: Hatcher, J., Stephenson, J. (eds) Seven Centuries of Unreal Wages. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96962-6_8
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