Abstract
This chapter discusses seventeenth-century Sweden, where academically trained advocates and procurators emerged but attempts of advocacy monopoly failed. The case of Gabriel Abrahamsson—a son of a pastor, a former cavalryman and farmer, and, later on, a lower-level civil servant in Helsinki—proves that no specific privileged status or academic education was needed for advocacy in lower courts. The tradition to use any reasonable man as a legal representative continued, and trusted men from various social backgrounds with self-acquired legal skills acted as lay advocates. Gabriel learned law by doing. His voluminous private and office litigation enabled him to act increasingly as a legal representative for others.
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Gabriel is not called Rauthia in the sources, but his father used this surname. Gabriel’s son Johan used the surname Rauthia or Rauthelius, too. As for Johan’s son, for some reason, he started to use the more aristocratic surname Warnstedt, but there is no proof of connections to the German-Swedish noble family von Warnstedt. Enckell (1994); Karonen (1995), p. 100; Kotivuori (2005), see “Johan Gabrielsson .”
- 3.
Kansallisarkisto (KA) Helsingin raastuvanoikeuden tuomiokirjat (HRO) g:2, 3 May 1656. Generally, the guard masters of a town kept guard of the town area. The town’s courthouse became a concretely familiar place to Gabriel, because in Helsinki, the heating of and the maintenance of order in the courthouse belonged to the tasks of the guard master of the town, too. In Helsinki, the guard master of the town also helped inspect the trade and collect crown and municipal taxes. Karonen (1995), p. 94; Halila (1943), pp. 195–199.
- 4.
KA HRO g:2, 6 December 1656; 21 November 1657; 23 February 1658; g:3, 24 April 1661. On the marketplace bailiff , see Karonen (1995), pp. 97, 143; Halila (1942), pp. 177–180. On trade inspectors, see Karonen (1995), pp. 96, 143; Karonen (1999). On trade inspection in Finnish towns in the seventeenth century, see Möller (1954), pp. 156–163, 181–182, 193–198; On the townʼs public prosecutor , see Karonen (1995), pp. 93–94, 143; Gabriel was chosen also as a fire (chimney) inspector, HRO g:4, 8 May 1669, fol. 45, and he was mentioned as a town bailiff (byfogde, stadsfogde), 24 May 1669, fol. 58. On the multiple tasks of the town bailiff like distraint, tax collecting, running of writs, conducting of different kind of inspections and investigations, and so on, see Karonen (1995), pp. 92–93, 143; Enckell (1994), pp. 75, 77–78.
- 5.
KA Helsingin ruotsalais-suomalainen seurakunta, Syntyneiden ja kastettujen luettelot, 27 December 1678.
- 6.
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Legal representation was allowed ever since the Middle Ages and people turned to legal representatives on a small scale. In 1615, legal representation became more regulated and the concepts of advocate and procurator emerged in addition to legal representative. This has been considered the foundation of advocacy as a judicial institution in Sweden, even if the advocacy remained undefined and underregulated for centuries . Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 7–12, 33–36, 38–40; Hassler (1920), pp. 72, 74–75, 77; Grunér (1937), pp. 670, 678; Raevuori (1947), pp. 101–104; Raevuori (1968), pp. 1–3; Blomstedt (1973), pp. 113, 118.
- 8.
On the early modern legal representation and the establishment of an advocacy system in Sweden, see Hassler (1920), esp. pp. 64–118; Godenhielm (1932); Grunér (1937); Castrén (1934) and (1945); Bomgren (1937), esp. pp. 85–101; Raevuori (1947) and (1968), esp. pp. 1–15; Letto-Vanamo (1983); Letto-Vanamo (1987); Letto-Vanamo (1989); Letto-Vanamo (1991a); Letto-Vanamo (1991b); Letto-Vanamo (1994); Pihlajamäki (2009), esp. pp. 39–73; On the evolution of the Swedish courts of appeal, see Petrén et al. (1964); Blomstedt (1973), esp. pp. 112–119; Korpiola (2014b); Vasara-Aaltonen (2017).
- 9.
The broad division into advocates and procurators was widely known in Western Europe, but the exact names and their activities could vary between states. In general, advocates were more recognised and usually academically legally trained, whereas procurators could also be self-educated through practice. Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 272–301; Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 27, 30–31, 33–34, 36, 47.
- 10.
In general, on the regulation and its effect, see, for example, Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 33–126; Letto-Vanamo (1994), pp. 194–197; Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 54–64; Raevuori (1968), pp. 1–12. For example, the attitude of the City Administration Ordinance of 1619 towards professional procurators was negative, and people were supposed to help themselves in litigation or turn to legal representatives from their immediate circle if necessary, see, for example, Karonen (1995), p. 174.
- 11.
In many early modern states, advocates stayed strictly under the control of the state, but in France, they came to form a very independent group. Pihlajamäki (2009), p. 37.
- 12.
Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 23–26, 175–210; Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 47–48; Raevuori (1968), pp. 6–10; Blomstedt (1973), pp. 112–119; Ranta (1975), pp. 701–706. In seventeenth-century Helsinki, the official procurator’s oath was demanded just once from Henrik Jöransson. The reason why the Helsinki Town Court demanded the oath was not to make advocacy in Helsinki into a monopoly, but was rather based on the willingness of the local mayor and town councillors to hinder Jöransson from acting as a legal representative , for some reason. The case indicates that the regulations were known around the Realm, but used only when needed. There were some, at least part time, legal representatives acting in Helsinki throughout the seventeenth century, but the oath of procurator was not required for them. Mostly, these representatives were well-known persons in Helsinki, whereas Jöransson may have been an outsider in the eyes of the local community. KA HRO g:4, 11 May 1670, p. 40; Karonen (1995), p. 100.
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There were other ordinances of courts of appeal concerning advocacy later on, for example, in 1688, which demonstrate that, despite continuous regulation, in practice, there was no monopoly of academically learned advocates. Hassler (1920), pp. 53, 89–90, 92–93; Grunér (1937), p. 678; Jägerskiöld (1964), pp. 213–214, 218; Raevuori (1968), pp. 3–4; Blomstedt (1973), pp. 114–115; Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 17–20, 40–41, 49–52; Letto-Vanamo (1994), p. 195; Pihlajamäki (2009), p. 56.
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Letto-Vanamo (1994), p. 197. Focusing merely on official regulation and education has generally been typical for studies concerning professionalisation. It is too often asserted that one specific profession emerged when the first regulation was given and/or the state-based education started. In such research, the self-educated agents and their important role are thrown aside. In the early modern period, self-educated agents did much crucial work, for example in healthcare and the judiciary, and even after officially educated agents had emerged, for centuries, the self-educated agents continued their work. On new legal history, focusing on everyday learning and the practices of people at the different levels of the judiciary, see Korpiola (2009); Bevan (2013); Vasara-Aaltonen (2017) and the articles in this book. On the early modern transmission of legal literacy and the lay aspect in early modern England, see Bush and Wijffels (2006). Early modern work and agency was done by a mix of male and female, official and unofficial agents, and regulations were quite flexible, as long as nobody caused harm to anyone; Ågren (2017), pp. 2–11; Lindström et al. (2017).
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Blomstedt (1973), pp. 116–117. A lack of academic advocates was part of the development of early modern societies around Europe. It did not ease the problem that, as a new profession, advocates and legal representatives in general were often seen as suspicious. Society transforming from a medieval church-and-family-based society to a more secular and scientific one caused mistrust in advocates, because they represented the more novel influence of learned law against traditional local law. In addition, the actually unskilled advocates sullied the reputation of the profession. Kelley (1988); Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 34–36.
- 19.
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KA Kihlakunnanoikeuksien renovoidut tuomiokirjat (KO) a:9 Hollola & Tennilä, 5–6 August 1678, fols. 20–20v.
- 25.
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The size of Gabrielʼs cultivated area was quite average in Helsinki, approx. nine ares, corresponding roughly to 0.23 acres. KA HRO g:4, 17 August 1667.
- 27.
For example, Kotivuori (2005).
- 28.
In general, graduated persons were rare among the civil servants of the town administration in this period, Karonen (1995), p. 93. Gabriel’s birthdate is unknown. In the sphere of influence of Loppi that was Gabriel’s home parish most likely at least from the 1630s onwards, the pedagogium (primary school ) of Helsinki became a “trivial school” (secondary school) in 1641, and the pedagogium of Hämeenlinna was founded in 1639. In theory, it is possible that Gabriel was sent to a “primary school” for some time. Yet, this is not very likely, because in addition to writing and reading skills these schools mostly prepared pupils for academic studies and priesthood or becoming a high-level civil servant, which is in contradiction with the fact that Gabriel was mentioned as a cavalryman in 1647. It is a mystery why Gabriel and his brother did not follow in their father’s footsteps into priesthood. Hanho (1947), pp. 61–62, 64, 221; KA Läänintilit, Uudenmaan ja Hämeen läänin tilejä, Tositekirja 7941, fol. 512r; Enckell (1994), pp. 76–77, 80.
- 29.
Enckell (1994), p. 77.
- 30.
On the increase of writing in litigation, see the literature in note 6, esp. Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 223–233. The use of local civil servants such as parish scribes as legal representatives continued for centuries. Scribes could formulate litigation documents for a person, but did not always take actual part in the court proceedings. They also formulated contracts, debentures, and so on for parishioners. On this see, for example, Rantanen (2014). Gabriel could write documents for others, too, but the sources do not show such agency.
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For example, acting as an advocate in a case of liabilities (KA HRO g:3) on 11 July 1664, Gabriel presented very specific calculations, which took one spread of the court record book and involved over 30 items, to the total sum of over 1000 thalers. Gabriel also represented custom duties to the value of over 5000 thalers. HRO g:4, 6 July 1670, p. 59, and onwards. Supervising trade had surely improved Gabriel’s numeracy skills.
- 32.
KA Helsingin kämnerinoikeuden tuomiokirjat (HKO) g:105, 29 July 1672, fols. 31–32, 34. In the Estate Inventory Books of Helsinki (bouppteckningar) from the year 1679 onwards, the first mentioned owner of a private law book (lagbok) was town councillor Hans Foss, who died in 1705. There is no mention of law literature in the estate inventory of Gabriel, but also nothing to have prevented him from having owned one. Åkerman (1937), pp. 5, 9, 279.
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In 1647, Gabriel was mentioned in the judicial district of Hattula as a cavalryman (ryttare) in the regiment of Colonel Henrik Horn (of Kanckas) and the company of rittmaster (ryttmästare) Arfwed Henriksson. In 1648, he was mentioned in the population register as living in Loppi with his wife. KA Läänintilit, Uudenmaan ja Hämeen läänin tilejä, Tositekirja 7941, fols 512r, 723v; Enckell (1994), pp. 76–77.
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KA Läänintilit, Uudenmaan ja Hämeen läänin tilejä, Tositekirja 7957, fol. 284r; Enckell (1994), p. 77. The parish of Loppi and the province of Häme (Tavastland) were strongly linked to Helsinki, commercially, socially, and militarily. His previous knowledge of the hinterlands of Helsinki no doubt helped Gabriel as a supervisor of illegal trade.
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Gabriel seems to have been a very strict civil servant. He referred to exact statutes and laws, for example, in the fishing episode mentioned earlier. This might indicate that Gabriel possessed some work ethics, possibly also legal ethics. He did not hesitate to prosecute the greatest burghers of town when they traded illegally. He even prosecuted and fined persons whom he represented in other cases. Thus, Gabriel did not mix his official litigation with his advocacy and representation litigations, which would have been easy in Helsinki because of the rival burgher groups. However, as the town’s public prosecutor and supervisor of trade, he had a special stimulus for strict supervision through his tantième: a third of the fines went to the official. On the disputes between trade burghers of Helsinki, see Suolahti (1950); Aalto (2015). On the salaries of civil servants, see Karonen (1995), pp. 94, 96, 100, 143.
- 37.
Karonen (1995), p. 39.
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On the litigation process in practice, see Letto-Vanamo (1995).
- 39.
Aalto (2015), pp. 186–189.
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The missing court records could no doubt reveal more cases of representation.
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Gabriel had to be trustworthy in the first place, because he had been elected to uphold the common good as a civil servant. Trust was a key factor in early modern society in general and also in the choosing of officials. Karonen (1995), pp. 100, 144.
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For the first time in 1660 and for the last in 1668. KA HRO g:3, 3 March 1660; g:4, 13 June 1668, fols. 38v–39. Something went wrong in their relations. In the following decade, Reijer litigated many times against Gabriel with the help of a new legal representative , mostly concerning debts. Maybe Reijer financed Gabriel in return for representations. In general, women were a common group of principals even if the widows could represent themselves and did not need male representatives. Especially widows’ inheritance disputes with other relatives and creditors kept the representatives busy. Ramsay (1909), see “Kasper Reiher ,” 334; Letto-Vanamo (1989), p. 157; Toropainen (2016), esp. pp. 109–116.
- 43.
KA KO a:9 Hollola & Tennilä, 5–6 August 1678, fols. 20–20v; KA Tammisaaren raastuvanoikeuden tuomiokirjat TRO d:1, 1 April 1672, fols. 13–14.
- 44.
As mentioned, Gabriel was never addressed as “procurator” or “advocate” in Helsinki.
- 45.
Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 175, 197–204. In the biggest towns such as Turku, the students had a significant role in advocacy. In towns with a court of appeal, the legal trainees (auskultant) could deepen their legal skills by acting in the lower courts . Letto-Vanamo (1989), for example, pp. 191, 221; Nallinmaa-Luoto (1974); Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 48, 55–56; Korpiola (2014a), pp. 30–31.
- 46.
- 47.
Gabriel acted as a legal representative in the Town Court of Helsinki 83 times, and in the Lower Town Court 42 times. At first, the cases were more complicated. In general, financial matters were the most common reason to use representatives, and burghers were the most common principals in towns, too . Letto-Vanamo (1989), pp. 155, 257–270; Pihlajamäki (2009), pp. 48–54.
- 48.
Wages of officials were commonly paid with a delay or not at all. Karonen (1995), pp. 94, 96, 100, 143; Gabriel had to litigate in order to have official wages paid, KA HRO g:3, 16 November 1661; g:5, 4 May 1674, fols. 69–70. One could argue that the extra income gained through the advocacy supplemented the living of civil servants. On the pays of legal representatives , see Letto-Vanamo (1987), p. 137 and (1989), pp. 249–254.
- 49.
For example, KA HKO g:105, 7 February 1665; 10 July 1665, fol. 28; 3 April 1666, fol. 20; 28 May 1668, fols. 27–28; 11 November 1670, fols. 52–53; 4 July 1678, fols. 21–22; HRO g:3, 29 April 1664; 29 April 1664; g:4, 8 and 10 February 1668, fols. 3–3v, 4; g:4, 13 December 1671, fol. 85; g:8–11, 30 January 1682, fol. 23; 6 February 1682, fol. 24; From 24 January to 22 September 1683, fols. 2–9; 10 September 1683, fols. 64–65. Viipurin raastuvanoikeuden tuomiokirjat x:26, 2 May 1678, fol. 144. Åkerman (1937), p. 5.
- 50.
KA HKO g:105, 11 November 1670, fols. 52–53. On Gabrielʼs debts and sureties covered by his efforts as some sort of advocate, see also 25 April 1672, fol. 20 and HRO g:8–11, 8 and 22 September 1683, fols. 6–8, 9.
- 51.
KA HRO g:4, 28 April 1666, fols. 24–24v. The reliability of the accused generally and his/her social networks were crucial to the reactions of the local community. If one’s networks in the local community were not extensive, also a high-level career could be ruined. Aalto (2015), pp. 276–283; Impola and Eilola (2015), esp. p. 146.
- 52.
For example, KA HRO g:3, 9 and 29 April 1664; 25 April 1670, fol. 28.
- 53.
Åkerman (1937), p. 5.
- 54.
Cf. KA HKO g:105, 2 August 1678; HRO g:6, 10 August and 14 September 1678.
- 55.
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Impola, P. (2019). The Agency and Practical Learning of a Lay Advocate in Seventeenth-Century Helsinki: The Case of Gabriel Abrahamsson. In: Korpiola, M. (eds) Legal Literacy in Premodern European Societies. World Histories of Crime, Culture and Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96863-6_5
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