Al-Tābisī and His Descendants: The Failed Integration of a Military Andalusi Family into the Christian Society of the Kingdom of Valencia (1238–1283)

Torró, Josep

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-96481-2_7

Josep Torró⁴

Part of the book series: Mediterranean Perspectives ((MEPERS))

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Abstract

Although the life of al-Tābisı is shrouded in mystery, the evidence suggests that he was the descendant of one of the Andalusi military lineages that abandoned the Lower Ebro after the Catalonian occupation in the mid-twelfth century. During the Conquest of Valencia, al-Tābisı collaborated with the King of Aragón (probably as a member of the entourage of the sayyid Abū Zayd), with whom he participated in the siege of the city of Valencia (1238) and the subsequent war against al-Azraq (1258). His services were rewarded with land in the Huerta of Valencia, as well as several castles in the southern frontier of the kingdom. His descendants converted to Christianity, preserving references to their Andalusi origin in their onomastics; however, their attempts at integrating into Christian society failed dramatically.

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Notes

1.
Pierre Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence et la Reconquête (XIe-XIIIe siècles) (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1990–1991), II: 428–433; Josep Torró, El naixement d’una colònia. Dominació i resistència a la frontera valenciana (1238–1276) (Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2006), 63–68.
2.
Robert I. Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia. The Registered Charters of its Conqueror Jaume I, 1257–1276, 4 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985–2007), 2: doc. 144.
3.
Robert I. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders. Colonial Survival in the Thirteenth-Century Kingdom of Valencia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), 314–315; Robert I. Burns, Le royaume chrétien de Valence et ses vassaux musulmans (1240–1280). Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 28, no. 1 (1973): 200; Robert I. Burns, “The Muslim in the Christian Feudal Order: The Kingdom of Valencia, 1240–1280,” in Studies in Medieval Culture, 5, edited by John R. Sommerfeldt, Larry Syndergaard and, E. Rozanne Elder, (Kalamazoo: The Medieval Institute, 1976), 119–120; Robert I. Burns, L’Islam sota els Croats. Supervivència colonial en el segle XIII al Regne de València, 2 vols. (Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1990), 2: 61–63. The last reference corresponds to the Catalan edition of Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, which is a corrected and updated version of the original in English.
4.
Robert I. Burns and Paul Chevedden, Negotiating Cultures. Bilingual Surrender Treaties in Muslim-Crusader Spain (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 24–28.
5.
Robert I. Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 2: doc. 131.
6.
Josep Maria Vila, “Aproximació històrica i arqueològica al procés de formació del nucli antic de Tivissa,” Arqueologia Medieval 4–5 (2008–2009):70–99.
7.
Dolors Bramon, De quan érem o no musulmans. Textos del 713 al 1010 (Barcelona: Eumo, 2000): 135.
8.
For Carmen Barceló in El Sayyid Abū Zayd: Príncipe musulmán, señor cristiano, Awraq. 3 (1980):109, it is clear that the name Tevicino points to the modern Tivissa, but she suggests the forms “al-Tiwīzī” or “al-Tuwayzī” because the mention of Tābisa in the Uns al-Muhaj was still unknown. Burns (Islam under the Crusaders: 314, n. 40) also believed in the Tivissa connection, although he suggested the transliteration “al-Tīfāshī,” which was based in a real nisba that points to Tīfāsh (the old Tipasa of Ifrīqiya).
9.
Joan Coromines, Onomasticon Cataloniae, 8 vols. (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1989–1997), 7: 280–281.
10.
However, a Iacobus Tibiçi is listed in the 1239 house survey of Valencia (M. D. Cabanes and R. Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment del Regne de Valencia, 3 vols. [Zaragoza: Anubar, 1979–1980], 3: n. 1366, 2936).
11.
Archivo de la Corona de Aragón [hereafter cited as ACA], Cancillería, reg. 5, f. 11v; Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 194.
12.
Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 204–207.
13.
Enric Guinot, “El repartiment feudal de l’Horta de València al segle XIII,” In Repartiments a la Corona d’Aragó (segles XII–XIII), edited by Enric Guinot and Josep Torró (Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2007), 163.
14.
Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 1042, 1130, 1165, 1583. Burns, Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia:Societies in Symbiosis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984:), 144–148 offers detailed information on Mubārak “the murderer.” He did not overlook the close proximity of his lands to those of al-Tābisī, “the important Mudéjar castellan” (whose name he transliterates as al-Tīfāshī), but his statement that “the Mislata-Soternes district was heavily Mudéjar” is a bit inflated.
15.
Pierre Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 146.
16.
R. Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid,” El Archivo, 5 (1891): 147–158; A. Huici and M. Cabanes, eds., Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, 5 vols. (Valencia-Zaragoza: Anubar, 1976–1982), 1: doc. 119, 236.
17.
This date was established by Barceló, “El Sayyid Abū Zayd,” 109, correcting Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 299–300.
18.
Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 562. These properties had belonged to the banū Shalbūn, a family of intellectuals, viziers, and high state officials (Pierre Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 2: 319). It must not be forgotten that, after the surrender of the city, the sayyid was favored with three further grants: more houses in the city (1239), the qarya of Aldaia, and the village of Ganalur (1242): Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 1167, 1462, 1463.
19.
Cabanes and Ferrer, eds. Libre del Repartiment, 1: n. 561.
20.
Pierre Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 112; 2: 320–332. There is also evidence to the settlement of people from Tābisa in Mallorca, where an alcheria Tebici is listed among the properties distributed after the conquest (J. Coromines, Onomasticon Cataloniae, 7: 281).
21.
The documents pertaining to the 1276–1277 rebellion present the same peculiarity (Burns, L’Islam sota els Croats, 2: 84–90).
22.
At least until the sayyid could directly hand over the six castles that he had promised to win for the monarch in northern Valencia: Peníscola, Morella, Culla, Alpuente, Jérica, and Segorbe. See A. Huici and M. Cabanes, eds., Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, 1: doc. 119, 236.
23.
Burns and Chevedden, Negotiating Cultures, 27.
24.
In the Castilian version, the terms are similar: “que de quantos castielos yo pueda ganar d’aquí adelant fasta los tres annos que vos de la meetat de la renda; et los tres annos complidos, que vos dé los castielos que ganare” (Burns and Chevedden, Negotiating Cultures, 36, 41–50).
25.
Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 145–163, 296–300; Robert I. Burns, El reino de Valencia en el siglo XIII: Iglesia y sociedad. 2 vols. (Valencia: Del Cenia al Segura, 1982), 1: 121–128; Robert I. Burns, “Príncipe almohade y converso mudéjar: nueva documentación sobre Abū Zayd,” Sharq al-Andalus. Estudios árabes, 4 (1987): 111–112, 122; Robert I. Burns, “Daughter of Abū Zayd, Last Almohad Ruler of Valencia: The Family and Christian Seigniory of Alda Ferrándis, 1236–1300,” Viator 24, (1993): 143–187: 155–156; Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 3: doc. 608.
26.
Enric Guinot, Els límits del regne. El procés de formació territorial del País Valencià medieval (1238–1500) (Valencia: Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, 1995): 37–42. The territory associated with the castle of Torres more or less corresponds to the modern municipality of Vila Joiosa, a Christian town founded in 1300 (Agusti Galiana, “La fundació de Vilajoiosa per Bernat de Sarrià,” Sarrià. Revista d’investigació i assaig de la Marina Baixa 6, (2011): 4–39).
27.
R. Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 367.
28.
Barceló, “El Sayyid Abū Zayd”: 105–106.
29.
F. Soldevila, J. Bruguera, and M. T. Ferrer, eds., Llibre dels feits del rei En Jaume, (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2008): c. 349: “e nós que haguéssem Castalla e Biar e Relleu e Seixona e Alarc e Finestrat e Torres e Polop e la Mola que és prop d’Agües e Altea.” See Guinot, Els límits del regne: 37–42.
30.
Soldevila, Bruguera and Ferrer, eds., Llibre dels feits: c. 360: “e volguem demanar a l’Azeit lo dret que ens devia donar de Castalla segons les cartes nostres. E dix-nos Don Eixemèn Peris d’Arenós que no ens calia, que ell la tenia e que ben se’n porien avenir ab ell. E nós dixem-li con ho tenia ell; e ell dix que don Garcia Peris de Castalla la tenia per ell, e que ell la’ns podia rènder quan que nós nos fóssem avenguts ab ell.”
31.
Unfortunately, the unpublished piece of parchment on which this information was written was torn and badly preserved: ACA Cancillería, pergs. Jaume I, Extrainventario, n. 2853. We do not know the month when this guardianship, and the supersession of Abū Zayd, was officially confirmed. In 1262, the king endorsed the homage that García Pérez de Castalla had paid the sayyid for the castle and was entrusted with guarding it in the king’s and the sayyid’s name: (Burns, ed., Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 2: doc. 405). We also know of other land donations to García Pérez de Ollo, “alcaydo de Castalla,” in March 1260: ACA Cancillería, pergs. Jaume I, Apéndice, n. 29. In late 1258, Abū Zayd had to hand over to him the nearby castle of Ibi: Burns, ed., Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 2: doc. 204.
32.
See supra note 21.
33.
A. Huici and M. Cabanes, eds., Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, 2: doc. 401: remittimus et deffinimus vobis Aceydo Abuceyt omnem demandam quam aliqua causa vel ratione possemus facere in aliqua castra et villas vestras … salvis quartis redituum. Quos quartos redituum debemus percipere et abere in castris et villis vestris prout plenius continetur instrumentis ad invicem inde factis. … In the same section of the royal memoirs, it is said that Ximén Pérez agreed to give Castalla to the monarch in exchange for Cheste and Vilamarxant, but this transaction does not appear to have taken place until September 1251, six years later: A. Huici and M. Cabanes, eds., Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, 3: doc. 581.
34.
E. Molina, Ceyt Abu Ceyt. Novedades y rectificaciones. (Almería: Diputación Provincial de Murcia, 1977): 32–33.
35.
Burns, El reino de Valencia, 1: 117–129.
36.
Molina, “El gobierno de Zayyān b. Mardanīš en Murcia (1239–1241)”, de Zayyān b. Mardanīš en Murcia (1239–1241), Miscelánea medieval murciana 7. (1981): 159–182; Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 154–156.
37.
Julio González, Reinado y diplomas de Fernando III. 3 vols. (Córdoba: Publicaciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros, 1983–1986): 3: doc. 205; Luis Charlo ed. “Chronica Latina Regum Castelle,” in Chronica Hispana Saeculi XIII. (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medieaevalis, LXXIII), 7–118. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997, c. 46, 48): et pactum … postea idem Aceit de Valencia tanquam vilis apostata, nulla iusta causa ductus, dirupit …; rupto federe sine causa, a dominio et amicicia regis nostris.
38.
Bāhā’ al-Dawla was the uncle of Ibn Hūd al-Mutawwakil, who in 1228 had led the Andalusi rebellion against the Almohads (Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 139–145).
39.
On the other hand, after the anti-Almohad revolts led by Ibn Hūd in Murcia and Zayyān in Valencia, the city of Xàtiva declared its loyalty to the former, so the territories located to the south of the city, with the exception of the harbor city of Dénia and its hinterland, must also have fallen within the political orbit of the Murcian hūdīs (Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 145–153). In fact, the resulting uncertainty was behind the tension between the kings of Aragón and Castile, which was resolved by the Treaty of Almizra. In the previous treaty of Cazola (1179) the frontier between Aragón and Castile was located in Calp, to the north of Torres, which suggested that Altea, Polop, and Orxeta-Torres were, therefore, to be regarded as part of Murcia’s area of influence.
40.
Regina Sáinz de la Maza, La Orden de Santiago en la Corona de Aragón. La encomienda de Montalbán (1210–1327) (Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 1980): doc. 30; Josep Torres Fontes, ed., Colección de documentos para la historia del reino de Murcia, II. Documentos del siglo XIII (Murcia: Academia Alfonso X el Sabio, 1969): doc. 5.
41.
J. Torró and J. R. Nebot, “‘Inter Iui et Alcoy ….’ Nota sobre una referència de 1251 a la partida de Polop,” Iberis 5, (2007): 93–97.
42.
Torres Fontes, ed. Colección de documentos: doc. 20.
43.
José Torres Fontes, ed. Repartimiento de Murcia. Madrid: CSIC, 1960: 190. For this character, see Burns, “Daughter of Abū Zayd”: 164–165, 178.
44.
It is worth keeping in mind that Zayyān even offered Alicante to James I in exchange for Menorca (Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 1: 153–154, 161). The Aragonese king refused because he thought that this city was in the areas earmarked for Castilian conquest after the Treaty of Cazola (1179). According to the Llibre dels Fets, this took place early in 1239, when Zayyān was still in Dénia (Soldevila, Bruguera and Ferrer, eds., Llibre dels feits: c. 307). If this chronology is correct, it seems clear that Zayyān had important support in Alicante even before he became emir in Murcia.
45.
Dénia was conquered for James I in June 1244, but it was in the castles located in the city’s mountainous hinterland that the vizier al-Azraq and his allies organized their last stand, first by negotiating a truce with the King of Aragón and later by taking the offensive: Guichard, Les musulmans de Valence, 2: 417–433; Burns and Chevedden, Negotiating Cultures: 3–14; Josep Torró, “Guerra, repartiment i colonització al regne de València (1248–1249),” In Repartiments a la Corona d’Aragó (segles XII–XIII), ed. Enric Guinot and Josep Torró, (Valencia: Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2007) 201–224.
46.
Sáinz de la Maza, La Orden de Santiago: doc. 28, 30; Torres Fontes, ed. Colección de documentos: doc. 4, 5: “una vuestra bona casa en Ancholo.”
47.
The document also indicates, however, that the obligation to pay only begins with the death of the sayyid, in compliance with the privilege granted in 1238. In February 1245, the monarch raised the issue of the quarter of the rents pertaining to Abū Zayd’s castles and villages, as though the privilege did not exist, but at this point the king must have referred to the extant right which would become active at the death of the sayyid, not to the effective perception of the rents: Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 298–299; Huici and Cabanes, eds. Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, 2: doc. 401.
48.
ACA Cancillería, pergs. Jaume I, n. 2319; Sáinz de la Maza, La Orden de Santiago: doc. 37.
49.
See supra note 51.
50.
In 1271, the new owner of the castle of Tibi agreed with the King of Aragón to substitute a fixed annual tax for the quarter of the rents (ACA, Cancillería, pergs. Jaume I, n. 2024). Sancho Pérez de Lienda, along with other caballeros mayores, was awarded land in a sector with a strong presence of people from the Kingdom of Valencia. This same person, or more likely a son of his by the same name, represented the town council of Alicante in the signing of an alliance or hermandad with other cities in the Kingdom of Murcia in 1295: Torres Fontes, ed. Repartimiento: 96; Colección de documentos: doc. 112.
51.
Arxiu del Regne de València, Reial Cancelleria, reg. 614, f. 39rv: dantes et concedentes per nos et omnes nostros vobis, dicto magistro … et dicto ordini imperpetuum illam quartam partem quam nos, de predictis castris et eorum pertinenciis, post obitum dicti Çeyt Abuzeyt habere debebamus, et omnia iura, voces et acciones … que in ipsis castris et terminis et pertinenciis ipsorum habemus vel habere debemus.
52.
Torró, El naixement d’una colònia: 61–67.
53.
Burns, ed., Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1144: dictum castrum de Horxeta et castrum de Torres, que fuerant fratrum ordinis Uclensis et pro quibus idem fratres habebant et tenebant castrum de Muxen … (1271).
54.
Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 2: doc. 144: Ita tamen quod vos nec vestri predicta castra seu villas nec earum aliquid,in totovel in parte, non possitis dare, alienare, vel dimittere nisi filiis vestris ac vestre posteritati tantum, nec possitis ea vendere alicui persone nisi tantum nobis et nostris dum tamen ea nos velimus pro communi precio retinere.
55.
Torró, El naixement d’una colònia: 76–78.
56.
The local researcher Agusti Galiana, “Topònims antics problemàtics de la Vila i voltants,” Revista de festes de Santa Marta, (2009): 250–257, has put forward a reasonable identification for Mola, on a mountain which is currently known as El Cantal. The location of Serra is less certain, but we know for sure that it was very close to the castle of Finestrat.
57.
Pierre Guichard, “Los castillos musulmanes del norte de la provincia de Alicante,” Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, 1. (1982): 44–45.
58.
Soldevila, Bruguera and Ferrer, eds., Llibre dels feits: c. 360: “venc-nos ardit que l’alcaid Abrafim s’era alçat, e que havia bastit un castell que nós havíem enderrocat ja peça havia, lo qual ha nom Serra de Finestrat.” A 1271 document distinguishes between the castle (castrum) of Finestrat and “the fortification known as Serra” (fortitudinem que vocatur Serra), which clearly indicates that the former had lands attached to it, unlike the latter: Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1128.
59.
Concerning this decision, see Josep Torró, “Dominar las aljamas. Fortificaciones feudales en las montañas del reino de Valencia (siglos XIII–XIV),” in Mil anos de fortificações na Península Ibérica e no Magreb, (500–1500), edited by Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes (Lisboa: Edições Colibri, 2001): 452–456.
60.
Berenguela Alfonso kept Finestrat and Serra, the possession of which was confirmed in March 1271: Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1128.
61.
Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1150: castra et villas de Orchita et de Serra et de Mola et de Finestrat et de Torres, sita in regno Valencie ultra rivum Xuquari, cum alqueriis et terminis … sicut Tevicinus et filius eius ac alii Sarraceni domini dictorum locorum ea melius et plenius habuerunt, tenuerunt, et possiderunt … (1270); Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1144: castra et villas de Horxeta, [et] de Serra, et de Mola, et de Finest[ra]to, et de Torres, sita in regno Valencie ultra Xucarum … que quidem castra et villas emeramus et adquisiveramus ab Azeth filio Tivicinio quondam et a quibusdam aliis sarracenis (1271).
62.
An example of this kind of arrangement may be found in the division of the villages attached to the castle of Tàrbena between the qa’id Muḥammad ibn Abī Isḥāq and his nephew Bakrūn in 1264: Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 3: doc. 569.
63.
Tàrbena: Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 3: doc. 790, 827, 839; Altea and Polop: Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1035, 1299, 1359.
64.
The document is cited by Brian A. Catlos, The Victors and the Vanquished. Christians and Muslims of Catalonia and Aragon, 1050–1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004): 198, 287, who transcribes “Abenzabit,” which could be related to the name Thābit, which is much more common. However, after examining the original document, I believe that “Abenzabre” is the only possible reading, on paleographic grounds.
65.
María Teresa Ferrer Mallol, “Las comunidades mudéjares de la Corona de Aragón en el siglo XV: la población,” in VIII Simposio Internacional de Mudejarismo. De mudéjares a Moriscos: una conversión forzada 2, (Teruel: Centro de Estudios Mudéjares, 2002): 57, 60.
66.
Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 153–158.
67.
Guinot, “El repartiment feudal de l’Horta de València.”
68.
ACA Cancillería, reg. 16, f. 208r: concedimus per hereditatem propriam, francham et liberam tibi Mahomat Abenmahomat Abenzabre, sarraceno nepote Tevicini, et tuis imperpetuum, domos vel patuum ad opus domorum in villa nostra de Xielsa, et xxx^akaficiatas terre in termino eiusdem de hereditate nostra quam ibi habemus, et si ipsa non sufficerit, de alia terra que ibi fuerit ad dandum. Quas domos sive patuumcum domibus quas ibi feceris et dictas.xxx. kaficiats terre volumus quod habeatis, teneatis et possideatis decetero tu et tui … hoc tamen excepto: quod aliquid de predictis vendere non possitis tu vel tui aliquibus christianis [v]el alium alienare. Volumus insuper et de speciali gracia concedimus tibi Mahomat Abenmahomat predicto quod diebus omnibus vite tue sis franchus ab omni peyta, questia, cena et exercitu et cavalcata et redemptione earum, et etiam ab omni alia qualibet exaccione regali.
69.
Burns, ed. Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 4: doc. 1052A: Fidelibus suis baiulis Xative presenti et futuris, salutem et graciam. Noveritis nos dedisse, cum presente carta nostra, Mascharose Christiane matri de Çaat de Tevicino C solidos regalium in vita sua, habendos et percipiendos quolibet anno in reditibus et exitibus nostris ravalli Xative.
70.
As pointed out by Brian A. Catlos, Muslims of Medieval Latin Christendom, c. 1050–1614 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014): 478, it is difficult to agree with Burns’ thesis in an article published in 1984 (but not present in previous works): “most likely, Mascarosa is an Arabic name, and her a convert to Christianity” (Robert I. Burns, “Los mudéjares de la Valencia de las Cruzadas: un capítulo olvidado de la historia islámica,” Sharq al-Andalus. Estudios árabes, 1 [1984]: 22). It could be the same Donna Mascarosa who features in Torres Fontes, ed. Repartimiento de Murcia (233), but nothing supports this identification apart from the onomastic and chronological coincidence.
71.
The date of Abū Zayd’s conversion is unknown, but must be between 1229 and 1236, and it was probably the latter date, although it was not made public until the surrender of Valencia. His marriage with María Ferrández could also have taken place in 1236 or shortly afterwards: Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 289–296, 365–366; Burns, “Daughter of Abū Zayd.” Fancy’s claim that the conversion was not made public until 1264 is unconvincing (Hussein Fancy, “The Last Almohads: Universal Sovereignty between North Africa and the Crown of Aragon,” Medieval Encounters 19, no. 1–2. [2013]: 108, 112–113).
72.
Soldevila, Bruguera and Ferrer, eds., Llibre dels feits c. 375: “Alazrac … era vengut a nós e ens havia dit que es volia fer cristià e que volia pendre una parenta d’en Carroç per muller.” Carròs was a knight and adventurer of Italian origin, admiral of Aragón, and lord of Rebollet, who served under James I as quartermaster in the mountains south of Valencia.
73.
See supra note 10.
74.
This norm features in the early version of the Valencian law, the Costum: G. Colón and A. Garcia, eds. Furs de València, 8 vols. Barcelona: Barcino, 1989–1999, 7: 9.2.9.
75.
Chabás, “Çeid Abu Çeid”: 153–162.
76.
Robert I. Burns, “Social Riots on the Christian-Moslem Frontier (Thirteenth-Century Valencia).” American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (1961): 380–382; Torró, El naixement d’una colònia: 81–82.
77.
It is likely that the Jaume Tibiçi mentioned attested in 1238 See supra note 10.
78.
R. M. Gregori, J. V. García Marsilla, and R. J. Pujades, eds. Llibre de la Cort del Justícia de València (1283–1287) (València: Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2008): 500–503, 518.
79.
Colón and Garcia, eds. Furs de València, 7: 9.7.78. The penalty for murder committed during a brawl was 200 morabatins (half for the king, half for the heirs) and lifelong exile, and it seems that this was the legal figure applied to Eiximén. Those who did not pay the fine exposed themselves to the possibility of execution: Colón and Garcia, eds. Furs de València, 7: 9.7.72.
80.
Catlos, Muslims of Medieval Latin Christendom: 339–340.
81.
Abū Zayd’s male heir, who died without children, openly owned in his last will, dated to 1264, to being the “son of the sayyid Abū Zayd … (great-grand) son of the amīr al-mu’minīn” (Burns, “Daughter of Abū Zayd”: 155).
82.
Burns, “Príncipe almohade y converso mudéjar”: 120–121.
83.
Ad nostrum noveritis pervenit auditum quod in loco de Soterna et quibusdam aliis locis orte Valencie, ubi aliqui babtizati existunt, in diminucione fidei catholice tempore Quadragesime per Dominum nostrum nobis dato comedunt carnes et Quadragesimam sarracenis datam ieiunant et etiam faciunt inter se escot pro redimendis sarracenis captivis, et etiam, non contentis de hiis, in contemptu iurisdiccionis nostre aliqui ipsorum congnoscunt sive habent rem carnaliter cum eorum sororibus (M. T. Ferrer Mallol, Els sarraïns de la Corona Catalano-Aragonesa en el segle XIV. Segregació i discriminació [Barcelona: CSIC, 1987]: 74, doc. 31).
84.
Thomas. F. Glick and Oriol Pi-Sunyer, “Acculturation as an Explanatory Concept in Spanish History,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 11 no. 2. (1969): 151–152.

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Josep Torró

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Torró, J. (2019). Al-Tābisī and His Descendants: The Failed Integration of a Military Andalusi Family into the Christian Society of the Kingdom of Valencia (1238–1283). In: Abate, M.T. (eds) Convivencia and Medieval Spain. Mediterranean Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96481-2_7

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96481-2_7
Published: 15 November 2018
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
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