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Unamendability as a Judicial Discovery? Inductive Learning Lessons from Hungary

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An Unamendable Constitution?

Part of the book series: Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice ((IUSGENT,volume 68))

Abstract

The chapter argues that, if we understand constitutionalism as a legal concept, the unamendability of certain constitutional norms becomes party independent of explicit constitutional declarations. The Hungarian case explains that unamendability can be justified as a judicial discovery even when the constitution does not adopt explicit rules on unamendability. Moreover, even if there is no explicit rule in the constitutional text or even if there is no explicit declaration of unamendability in constitutional court case law, legal interpretation methods help to argue that some sort of unamendability is a basic feature of constitutionalism awaiting its legitimate judicial discovery. In analysing the Hungarian example, while bearing in mind the comparative and the theoretical context of the discussion, I arrive at the inductive conclusion that unamendability might belong to the nature of legal constitutionalism. Turning a rule of law democracy into an autocracy, e.g., by constitutional amendments is not a valid legal solution in most constitutional democracies regardless of whether their constitution contains eternity or other entrenchment clauses or not. This is so because, in a rule of law democracy, a living constitution is partly a judicial construction and, in applying a legal doctrine, one finds normative requirements applicable to fundamental constitutional changes. I argue that these requirements can validly be enforced by the guardians of the constitution.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    András Bragyova, ‘Vannak-e megváltoztathatatlan normák az Alkotmányban?’ (Are There Unamendable Norms in the Constitution?) in Bragyova (2003). This study is based on an article published in Hungarian, co-authored by András Bragyova: Bragyova and Gárdos-Orosz (2016). Throughout the text I indicate where I refer to his ideas. I profited greatly from his comments on the text and from his recommendations on literature. I also thank for the precious comments of Gábor Halmai on the text and Zoltán Szente for the never-ending discussions on the topic. The manuscript was closed in August 2016, therefore it does not discuss the important decision 22/2016. (XII. 5.) CC of the Constitutional Court that finally declared a certain understanding of unamendability of the Fundamental Law. This fact, however, might strengthen the importance of my argument in the Hungarian constitutional law.

  2. 2.

    The power to ‘amend’ the Constitution was not intended to include the power to destroy it.” Marbury (1919), p. 225, 232.

  3. 3.

    Hormasji “Homi” Servai (1996), p. 3109. For the Keshavanda Bhavati case, see Granville (1999), 260 ff.

  4. 4.

    Schmitt (1928), p. 16.

  5. 5.

    See all eternity clauses of the world in the Appendix of Roznai (2016).

  6. 6.

    This chapter does not differentiate between entrenched and entrenchment provisions. For an explanation, see Albert (2010a), p. 706.

  7. 7.

    The most famous amongst them is Article 79(3) of the German Basic Law.

  8. 8.

    This is also elaborated by the German Federal Constitutional Court in its Decision BVerfGE 30, 1. See also Küpper (2004), p. 273. For the function of unamendable clauses within the broader context of constitutional change, see Albert (2010b) or Roznai (2013), p. 706.

  9. 9.

    The arguments and counterarguments are collected by Yaniv Roznai, ‘Necrocracy or Democracy: Assessing Objections to Constitutional Unamendability’, in this volume.

  10. 10.

    Romania’s constitution offers nice examples of all kinds of explicit unamendability. Géza Kilény, a former judge of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, claims that unamendable clauses have a sacred function, that they incorporate the value of constitutionalism. Cf. Kilényi (1996), p. 117 with Jacobsohn (2006), p. 460.

  11. 11.

    Albert (2013), p. 280, 281.

  12. 12.

    The term ‘unamendable core’ is used by Richard Albert in his ‘The Unamendable Core of the United States Constitution’ in András (2015), p. 13.

  13. 13.

    I use “judicial discovery” rather than “judicial construction” in the title of my chapter, but I do use the two terms in the text interchangeably. Although “judicial construction” is widely used in constitutional law discussions, I believe that “discovery” might be better in this case. Judges in Hungary usually do not create new constructions, but explain what the constitution already contains. The method is further explained and applied in Yaniv Roznai, ‘Towards a theory of unamendability’ NYU Public Law and Legal Theory Working Papers. Paper 515. 15. Judicial interpretation is not used exclusively by the judiciary. All state actors or all social science may use legal methods. However, the judiciary is responsible for both using this method and developing it.

  14. 14.

    Colombia, the Czech Republic, etc., are often points of reference in this discussion. Roznai (2014), p. 29, Halmai (2015), p. 951. On the Colombian constitutional replacement doctrine, see ibid, pp. 960–962. On his arguing with Roznai with regard to the Czech case, see ibid, p. 964.

  15. 15.

    Hein (2015).

  16. 16.

    I use the expression “norm”, because I take into account constitutional provisions, rules, principles, values, state ambitions and interpretation standards when I examine the unamendability of certain norms.

  17. 17.

    See criticism in Sonnevend et al. (2015), pp. 33–110. Between 2010 and 2011, the two-thirds majority also amended the 1949 Constitution several times. The first amendment after 2010, e.g., introduced a radical reduction of the number of members of Parliament, and changed the legal status of government officials. The Parliament changed the composition of the parliamentary commission nominating judges to the Constitutional Court. The fourth amendment in 2010 changed the rules regulating public service media. The sixth amendment after 2010 created the necessary conditions for retroactively taxing certain payments. The seventh amendment, e.g., changed the rules regulating legislation and public prosecution. One amendment limited the powers of the Constitutional Court in cases in which the acts to be supervised are related to state finance.

  18. 18.

    Antal (2013), pp. 48–70. See also Vincze (2015). Gábor Halmai explains in detail these amendments in Halmai (2015), p. 979.

  19. 19.

    Gárdos-Orosz and Szente (2015).

  20. 20.

    Article 2 of the Fourth Amendment to the Hungarian Fundamental Law “The Speaker of Parliament shall sign the adopted Act within five days and send it to the President of the Republic. The President of the Republic shall sign the Act within five days of receiving it and order its publication. If Parliament has sent the Act to the Constitutional Court for an examination of its conformity with the Fundamental Law pursuant to paragraph (2), the Speaker of Parliament may only sign and send it to the President of the Republic if the Constitutional Court has not found any violation of the Fundamental Law. (4) If the President of the Republic considers an Act or any of its provisions to be contrary to the Fundamental Law, and no examination pursuant to paragraph (2) has been conducted, he or she shall send the Act to the Constitutional Court for an examination of its conformity with the Fundamental Law. The following provision replaces Article S(3) of the Fundamental Law: (3) The Speaker of the House signs the Fundamental Law and amendments to the Fundamental Law, and sends these to the President of the Republic for signature. The President of the Republic signs the Fundamental Law or amendments to the Fundamental Law into law within five days of receiving these, and orders their publication in the Official Gazette. If the President of the Republic decides that the Parliament violated the procedural requirements defined in the Fundamental Law when it adopted the Fundamental Law or its amendment, the President of the Republic sends these to the Constitutional Court for review. If the Constitutional Court does not declare any violation of the procedural requirements, the President of the Republic immediately signs the Fundamental Law or its amendment into law”.

  21. 21.

    See the opinion of a former constitutional court judge Vörös (2014), p. 1.

  22. 22.

    My basic standpoints on a theoretical level are very similar to the understanding of Roznai (2016).

  23. 23.

    On the effectiveness of conventions regarding implicit unamendability, see Gert Jan Geertjes and Jerfi Uzman, ‘Conventions of Unamendability: Unamendable Constitutional Law in Politically Enforced Constitutions’, in this volume.

  24. 24.

    The lack of constitutional culture which makes institutions function is often criticised in Hungary, although the first president of the Constitutional Court argues that the Constitutional Court managed to develop this culture in the nineties. Sólyom (2015a), p. 5.

  25. 25.

    On the former system of constitutional adjudication in English, see Brunner (1992), pp. 535–553.

  26. 26.

    Sólyom (2014), p. 1. Although the Hungarian Fundamental Law significantly modified the competencies of the Constitutional Court and the role of the different constitutional institutions in constitutional adjudication, the powers of the Hungarian Constitutional Court remained very strong. The freshest account of this is published by the former President of the Constitutional Court and former President of the Republic of Hungary, Sólyom (2015b), p. 705.

  27. 27.

    Article S(2) of the Fundamental Law: “For the adoption of a new Fundamental Law or any amendment thereof, the votes of two-thirds of all Members of Parliament shall be required”.

  28. 28.

    Decision 47/2007. (VII. 3.) CC on the hierarchy of norms ABH 2007 620.

  29. 29.

    See Tóth (2009), pp. 197–200.

  30. 30.

    Petrétei (2009), p. 187.

  31. 31.

    The legal ground for the debate is Article 1 a) of the Fundamental Law, which states that the Parliament adopts and modifies the Fundamental Law of Hungary, and Article S(1) of the Fundamental Law, which states that the President of the Republic, the Government, any parliamentary committee or any Member of Parliament may submit a proposal for the adoption of a new Fundamental Law or for an amendment of the Fundamental Law.

  32. 32.

    Takács (2011), p. 58, 64, Fröhlich and Csink (2012), p. 424, Szente (2013), p. 11, 18.

  33. 33.

    Drinóczi (2015), p. 361.

  34. 34.

    András Bragyova’s dissenting opinion in Decision 61/2011. (VII. 13.) CC.

  35. 35.

    Roznai (2014), pp. 15–22.

  36. 36.

    Decision 293/B/1994. CC, ABH 1994. 362.

  37. 37.

    For a summary, see Decision 1260/B/1997 of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, ABH 1998, 816, 819–826.

  38. 38.

    Decision 39/1996 (IX. 25.) CC, ABH 134, 138.

  39. 39.

    Decision 293/B/1994 CC, ABH 1994. 362.

  40. 40.

    Stumpf (2014), p. 229.

  41. 41.

    Jakab, András. Az új Alaptörvény keletkezése és gyakorlati következményei (The genesis of the new Fundamental Law and its practical consequences) (HVG-ORAC 2011).

  42. 42.

    Decision 61/2011. (VII. 13.) of the Constitutional Court, Reasoning V/1.

  43. 43.

    For a commentary on the Decision, see Halmai (2012), pp. 182, 200–202.

  44. 44.

    I believe, however, that this is not impossible. I made an attempt to describe a possible reasoning in Fruzsina Gárdos-Orosz, ‘Az alkotmánymódosítasok alkotmányossági felülvizsgálata: elméleti koncepciók, nemzetközi trendek es magyar kérdések’ (Judicial review of constitutional amendments in Hungary) in Gárdos-Orosz and Szente (2015), see further Fröhlich Johanna, ‘Az alkotmány zártsága és ellentmondás-mentessége—az alkotmánymódosítások felülvizsgálatának lehetőségei és határai’ (The coherent constitution and the limits of the judicial review of amendments) in Gárdos-Orosz and Szente (2015).

  45. 45.

    For a detailed analysis of this case in English completely in line with my opinion, see Halmai (2012), pp. 21–34.

  46. 46.

    Decision 45/2012. (XII. 29.) of the Constitutional Court, Reasoning [111]. The text relies on a translation found on the website of the Constitutional Court.

  47. 47.

    For criticism of the Decision and its assessment, see Halmai (2015), pp. 978–980.

  48. 48.

    Examine the provisions adopted by the Fourth Amendment with regard to their merits annulled earlier by the Constructional Court due to their unconstitutionality. Bánkuti et al. (2013), pp. 61–64.

  49. 49.

    Opinion 720/2013 of the Venice Commission on the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary available at: http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2013)012-e.

  50. 50.

    Decision 12/2013 (V.24) of the Constitutional Court, Reasoning [9]–[11].

  51. 51.

    Decision 12/2013 (V.24) of the Constitutional Court, Reasoning [30], [36]–[37], [43].

  52. 52.

    Article S) of the Fundamental Law contains the following procedural constraints: “The President of the Republic, the Government, any parliamentary committee or any Member of Parliament may submit a proposal for the adoption of a new Fundamental Law or for any amendment to the Fundamental Law. For the adoption of a new Fundamental Law or any amendment thereof, the votes of two-thirds of all Members of Parliament shall be required.” The Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law made it explicit that, under Article 24(5), “The Constitutional Court may only review the Fundamental Law and any amendment thereof for conformity with the procedural requirements laid down in the Fundamental Law with respect to its adoption and promulgation. Such a review may be initiated by: the President of the Republic in respect of the Fundamental Law and an/any amendment thereof, if adopted but not yet published; the Government, a quarter of the Members of Parliament, the President of the Curia, the Supreme Prosecutor or the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights within thirty days of publication.” A translation of the Fourth Amendment is available in English at: http://lapa.princeton.edu/hosteddocs/hungary/Fourth%20Amendment%20to%20the%20FL%20-Eng%20Corrected.pdf.

  53. 53.

    Decision 12/2013. (V.24) of the Constitutional Court, Reasoning [30], [36]–[37], [43].

  54. 54.

    Article E of the Fundamental Law: “In order to achieve the highest possible measure of freedom, well-being and security for the peoples of Europe, Hungary shall contribute to the achievement of European unity”.

  55. 55.

    Article Q of the Fundamental Law: “In order to establish and maintain peace and security, and to achieve the sustainable development of humanity, Hungary shall strive to cooperate with all the peoples and countries of the world”.

  56. 56.

    See Erdős (2011), p. 54.

  57. 57.

    Interpretation as the “act of will” and interpretation “based on knowledge” according to the theory of Ricardo Guastini, see Troper (2003), pp. 99–103.

  58. 58.

    See also Lóránt and Johanna (2013).

  59. 59.

    I have constructed this narrative for the purposes of my explaining unamendability. However, such a conclusion might be premature, as the decisions of the Constitutional Court are often inconsistent in Hungary and the current Constitutional Court (of 2016) is even more reserved with regard to controlling parliamentary majority. See, e.g., Szente (2016), p. 123. It is quite likely that the obiter dictum desires of the former Constitutional Court will fall on deaf ears.

  60. 60.

    For a discussion of related case law of the Hungarian Constitutional Court, see Zeller (2013), p. 307.

  61. 61.

    Kelsen (1967), pp. 35–50.

  62. 62.

    András (2012), pp. 18, 30–32.

  63. 63.

    On the basic differences between the concept of legal and political constitution and constitutionalism, see Bellamy (2007) and Ackerman (2001).

  64. 64.

    Boulanger (2006), Halmai (2007).

  65. 65.

    See Sólyom (2014), pp. 717–719.

  66. 66.

    This mainstream approach was, however, criticised by some in the early nineties and later. One of the critics is now a member of the Constitutional Court. Pokol (2005).

  67. 67.

    von Wright (1963).

  68. 68.

    This opinion is affirmed by the Constitutional Court in its decision on a referendum on a constitutional amendment 25/1999. (VII. 7.) CC, ABH, 1999, 251, 261.

  69. 69.

    This is in line with Beaud (1994), p. 455.

  70. 70.

    Ross (1929), p. 309: “Das System ist die letzte Rechtsquelle”.

  71. 71.

    Loughlin (2014a), p. 218, 222.

  72. 72.

    This double formula is found in both the French and the Spanish constitutions (Art. 3. ill. 1. (2)).

  73. 73.

    This view is strongly represented in legal scholarship. See, e.g., Zoltán Szente, ‘Az “alkotmányellenes alkotmánymódosítás” és az alkotmánymódosítások bírósági felülvizsgálatának dogmatikai problémai a magyar alkotmányjogban’ (Unconstitutional constitutional amendments and the problems of justification) in Gárdos-Orosz and Szente (2015).

  74. 74.

    Chronowski (2015), and Sonnevend (2015).

  75. 75.

    Jakab (2016), pp. 92–99.

  76. 76.

    Loughlin (2014b), p. 218.

  77. 77.

    In its closing provisions, the Fundamental Law declares that the Parliament adopts the Fundamental Law on the basis of Act XX of the 1949 Constitution of the Republic of Hungary § 19 (3) a) and § 24 (3).

  78. 78.

    Opinion of the Venice Commission on the New Constitution of Hungary http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2011)016-e; or Marco Dani, ‘The partisan constitution and the corrosion of European constitutional culture’, LEQS Paper No. 68/2013 http://www.lse.ac.uk/europeanInstitute/LEQS%20Discussion%20Paper%20Series/LEQSPaper68.pdf.

  79. 79.

    Jakab and Sonnevend (2013), Küpper (2013) Wirtschaft und Recht in Osteuropa 3.

  80. 80.

    The temporary nature of the Constitution is based on the Preamble. This formulation on the nature of the old and the new Constitution is similar to the one in Grundgezetz § 149.

  81. 81.

    Chronowski (2012), p. 111.

  82. 82.

    The reasoning behind this can be found in Point 5 of András Bragyova’s dissenting opinion to the Constitutional Court’s Decision 61/2011.

  83. 83.

    Vörös (2015), p. 173, Bánkuti et al. (2012).

  84. 84.

    Preuss (2016), p. 134.

  85. 85.

    For criticism and a misuse of this structural approach, cf. the Bangladeshi case see Ridwanul Hoque, ‘Eternal Provisions in the Bangladeshi Constitution, A Constitution Once and For All?’ in this volume.

  86. 86.

    Rawls (1996), p. 239.

  87. 87.

    J. Zoltán Tóth, ‘A dogmatikai, a logikai és a jogirodalmi értelmezés a magyar felsőbírósági gyakorlatban’ (The doctrinal, the logical interpretation and the use of legal scholarship in the interpretation of Hungarian supreme judicial bodies) MTA Law Working Papers 17/2015, http://jog.tk.mta.hu/uploads/files/mtalwp/2015_17_toth.pdf.

  88. 88.

    Albert (2015), p. 655.

  89. 89.

    Jakab and Szente (2009), p. 563. Decision 12/2013. (V. 24.) CC, Part V. 2.1.

  90. 90.

    Bragyova (2003), p. 65.

  91. 91.

    Reasoning [48].

  92. 92.

    Bragyova (2003), p. 80.

  93. 93.

    His arguments on constitutional change are very similar to Suber (1990).

  94. 94.

    The rights listed in the Article can hardly be violated by a financial act.

  95. 95.

    Gárdos-Orosz (2015).

  96. 96.

    Gárdos-Orosz (2015), pp. 97–111.

  97. 97.

    Halmai (2012), pp. 182–203.

  98. 98.

    My suggestion is similar to the one applied in Colombian case law. See, e.g., Yepes (2007), p. 51–54.

  99. 99.

    Bentham (1843), p. 403.

  100. 100.

    Ackerman (1998).

  101. 101.

    One of the most highly acclaimed political scientists in Hungary claims that, in Hungary, a new political regime has been created, and that this is not only because of the text and the intention of the new Fundamental Law, but also because of a political change, because of a change in the political narrative on some of the major rules of constitutional democracy. András Körösényi, ‘A magyar demokrácia három szakasza és az Orbán-rezsim’ (Three periods of the Hungarian democracy: The Orbán regime) in Körösényi (2015).

  102. 102.

    BVerfG, Urteil des Zweiten Senats vom 30. Juni 2009—2 BvE 2/08—Rn. (1-421), http://www.bverfg.de/e/es20090630_2bve000208.html. BVerfGE, 123, 267 (2009). For more about this problem, see Bragyova (2003), p. 76, Albert (2016), p. 297.

  103. 103.

    On the pitfalls of Hungary’s constitutional democracy, see the analyses of, e.g., Vörös (2014, 2015), p. 173 and Kukorelli (2014), Tóth (2015), pp. 129–158.

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Gárdos-Orosz, F. (2018). Unamendability as a Judicial Discovery? Inductive Learning Lessons from Hungary. In: Albert, R., Oder, B. (eds) An Unamendable Constitution?. Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice, vol 68. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95141-6_9

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