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England: Critical Perspectives on the Role of Schools in Developing Race/Ethnic Inequalities

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The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education

Abstract

This chapter offers a systematic review of sociological research in England on the relationship between race/ethnicity and educational inequality between 1980 and 2017. Five major research traditions are identified: (1) political arithmetic; (2) racism and racial discrimination; (3) school effectiveness and inclusion; (4) culture and educational outcomes and (5) educational markets and educational outcomes, with research on ‘racism and racial discrimination’ as the most dominant research tradition. Most of the research conducted in England is characterized by the use of qualitative research methods and a more interpretative approach to social sciences and focuses on identifying inequality in educational experiences and outcomes of racial and ethnic minorities, particularly in relationship to young people of ‘Black Caribbean/African’, ‘Pakistani’, ‘Indian’ and ‘Bangladeshi’ background and, in later research contribution, children with a ‘Chinese’, ‘Gypsy/Traveller/Roma’ or ‘Mixed-race’ background. This rich body of research is written in English and developed by educational sociologists who take a more critical stance towards government policies that are underpinned by assimilationist principles even though they are often manifested as apparently multicultural; and a market-led education system which stresses the importance of between-school competition, accountability and standardised testing.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This book chapter builds on two earlier, systematic reviews (Stevens 2007; Stevens et al. 2014) by including research published between 2010 and 2017.

  2. 2.

    Twelve cohorts of people (first born in 1967/68, last one born in 1986/87) who just reached minimum school leaving age (16 years old) have been surveyed between 1985 and 2004 through the YCS. Most of these cohorts have then been tracked over the following three years to follow their progress in the educational system and/or labor market. Each ‘wave’ consists of a random sample of the total population (all males and females in England and Wales who had reached the age of 16) collected through schools. Questionnaires were sent to respondents and followed up by reminders and finally an attempt to contact those who failed to respond. The initial sample size varies between 12,180 (1985 wave) and 30,000 (2004 wave) and response rates have fallen over the years (69% in 1985 to 47% in 2004). Because of the low response rates, weights have been applied to correct for any known biases (for example: high achieving students are more likely to respond to the questionnaire). The population estimates used in the weighting are: sex; year 11 school type; region; and year 11 attainment (Connolly 2006; NationalStatistics 2005).

  3. 3.

    The Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE), also known as “Next Steps”, is a major panel study of young people which brings together rich and detailed data from interviews with young people and their parents with test data from the National Student Database. Initially LSYPE ran alongside and complemented the YCS surveys, but it has now replaced the older survey (Gillborn et al. 2016a, b). The sample of the first wave consisted of about 21,000 young people aged 13 to 14 who were in Year 9 in February 2004. Following the initial survey at age 13–14, the cohort members were visited every year until 2010, when they were age 19–20. The next survey is taking place in 2015/16, when the cohort members are 25 years old. So far, eight waves of the study have been conducted, the ninth edition being released in 2017.

  4. 4.

    Plausibility refers to “how strongly does what we currently take to be research-based knowledge imply the validity of this knowledge claim” (Hammersley 2003, p. 23), while credibility refers to “the likelihood that the process which produced the claim is free of serious error” (Foster et al. 1996, p. 38).

  5. 5.

    The author employs data collected in a major study of primary school effectiveness (the Junior School Project [JSP]), which involved a stratified random sample of 50 ethnically diverse inner London primary schools. The study followed an age cohort of roughly 2000 students over the junior phase of schooling (ages 7–10 plus years) from entry in 1980 to secondary transfer in 1984. In 1990 additional support was obtained for a more detailed multilevel analysis of the original JSP primary school data set and for a follow up of the age cohort at the end of compulsory schooling when public examinations (GCSEs) are taken at age 16 years (1989). Hence, this particular dataset allows Sammons to follow a random sample of students over a period of nine years: from entry to junior (Year 3 and 5), over secondary transfer (Year 6) to the end of compulsory schooling (GCSE, Year 11).

  6. 6.

    The PLASC dataset covers all students in primary and secondary schools in England and is developed by the Department of Education and Skills (DfES) since 2002. The data can be linked to each student’s test score history and contains a number of individual and school characteristics, which are used in this study as controls in assessing the relationship between race and ethnicity and development of educational outcomes. The authors use the following controls: students’ gender, within-year age, mother tongue, eligibility of free school meals (as an indicator of family poverty), special education needs status (as an indicator of learning or behavioral problems), student’s postcode and school attended.

  7. 7.

    In response to such criticism, Sammons (2006) argues that the sample size was not depleted due to non response but that there were difficulties in matching data for named students from central records across 9 years.

  8. 8.

    Burgess (2006) argues that the study he conducted with his colleagues (Wilson et al. 2005) is not subject to most of this criticism since (a) they follow people over time and do not exclude low performing students excluded from GCSEs (b) focus on a very large sample (almost all students) and do not suffer that much from attrition.

  9. 9.

    Reviews of the literature on school effectiveness suggest that models tested in multi-level research explain 30–40% of the variance in examination results, of which around 10% can be traced directly to schools (Mortimore 1997).

  10. 10.

    A study involving 800 students selected from inner-city schools in England shows that Black African, Asian Other and Pakistani groups all have significantly higher educational aspirations than the White British group, who had the lowest aspirations (Strand and Winston 2008). The same study shows that the high aspirations of BME students are mediated through strong academic self-concept, positive peer support, a commitment to schooling and high educational aspirations in the home.

  11. 11.

    A rare, study that aims to identify the characteristics of schools that are successful in raising the achievement of African-Caribbean students concerns Demie’s (2005) study of 13 secondary schools in London. The author conducted analysis of school and LEA data and interviews with school staff, students and governors. The data suggests that the following factors contribute to the educational success of African-Caribbean students: (1) strong leadership with emphasis on raising expectations for students and teachers (2) the use of performance data in monitoring progress (3) development of a creative and inclusive curriculum that takes a stand against racism and meets the needs of minority students (4) involvement of parents and clear links with the community and (5) well developed support teams that make use of learning mentors. Although this study links very well with SESI research that suggests that internal school processes make a difference for African-Caribbean students (Wilson et al. 2005), the methodology is problematic in that the author does not compare ‘successful’ with ‘unsuccessful’ schools. Because of the absence of a ‘control group’, it is not possible to determine whether the identified school characteristics are responsible for raising the achievement of African-Caribbean students. Finally, it is also possible that changes in success relate to changes in intake (in terms of, for example, social class), something which is not considered in this study. Nevertheless, this study is unique in its purpose and design and should encourage further research in this area.

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Stevens, P.A.J., Mau, A., Crozier, G. (2019). England: Critical Perspectives on the Role of Schools in Developing Race/Ethnic Inequalities. In: Stevens, P.A.J., Dworkin, A.G. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94724-2_11

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