Abstract
This chapter represents an attempt to understand Islam in southern Thailand through the lens of seafood. Using research data gathered from more than 100 informants over ten years, I analyze how food, particularly seafood, is used to signify intersectarian divisions in Islam. I argue that the local peoples’ understanding and interpretations of rules regarding lawful and forbidden seafood in Muslim society in southern Thailand may provide a lens into understanding the complexities and distinctions within this society. Transposing Fredrik Barth’s (1969, Introduction. In: Barth F (ed) Ethnic groups and boundaries: the social organization of culture difference, George Allen & Unwin, London, p 9–38) notion of boundary maintenance as the key organizing feature of ethnicity onto the symbolic medium of food, I try to establish how the espousal of certain seafood laws among Muslims in southern Thailand not only reveal the social and political boundaries that divide Muslims but also reinforce these boundaries, making them less porous and more difficult to transcend. At the same time, since tastes change, boundaries shift and previous divisions criss-cross to form contiguous wholes while new borders of division form. By looking at how laws regarding halal and haram seafood are negotiated, I trace the history and existence of the divisions among and co-existence between the different Islamic sects in Thailand.
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Notes
- 1.
Shi’ism in Thailand gained ascendancy during the period of the Ayutthaya kingdom in Thai history (from the mid-fourteenth to mid-sixteenth centuries). The dominance of Muslim trade in Southeast Asia led to the prominence of Muslim traders from Persia from the fifteenth century to the seventeenth century, which accounted for the influx of Persian Shiite Muslims into Thailand (Tamhidi 1994: 191). In fact, the early Muslim settlers in the kingdom of Ayutthaya were Shi’a Muslims from Persia who not only engaged in trade but also served as ministers in the Ayutthayan court and managed the Ayutthayan navy and the maritime trade of the kingdom (Yusuf 1998: 284). The most important Persian in the Ayutthayan period was Sheikh Ahmad Qumi (1543–1631), a Persian trader and Shi’a scholar, who was by the Thai king as Cawkrom Thaa Kwaa or Minister of the Harbor (Bajunid 1980: 112). Sheikh Ahmad, whose duties included the administration of foreign trade and the affairs of foreign traders in Ayutthaya, the collection of import–export duties and the supervision of international shipping also became the royal advisor. In effect, he became the most powerful Persian and Muslim in Ayutthaya because, according to Bajunid (1980: 112), “he was responsible for thwarting Japanese conspiracy on Ayutthaya in 1632, thereby emerging as savior of the dynasty.” For this, Sheikh Ahmad given the Thai name “Phraya Sheikh Ahmad Ratanrajsethi” made Minister of Interior, given 10,000 rai of land and royal decorations (Ahmadchula 1994: 251). Sheikh Ahmad was also instrumental in the spread of Shi’ism in Thailand. In fact, he was appointed as the first Chularajmontri or Shaikh al-Islam of Siam by the Ayutthayan king Prachao Songtham (1620–28).
- 2.
In fact, descendants of Sheikh Qumi include the very prominent Bunnags who are respected professionals in Thailand.
- 3.
Political scientist Joseph Liow calls the kaum muda or “New Generation” (English translation) as the reformists of the Salafi movement “who attempt to reform Islam by taking it away from its traditional syncretism and re-orienting it towards scripturalism” (2009: 77–8).
- 4.
Note that in some villages, there are two separate mosques, one serving the kaum muda and the other the kaum tua.
- 5.
“According to most of the jurists all seafood is halal in Islam. But the Hanafi school has a very strict position in this matter. According to the school of Imam Abu Hanifah, only fish is permissible and all other seafood should be avoided. They interpret the Ayah and the Hadith of see food as meaning the fish only. It seems that the position of other jurists is closer to the words of the Qur’an and Hadith” (From Aalim network – a Shi’a network. www.al-islam.org/organizations/aalimnetwork).
- 6.
Pork, nonritually slaughtered meat, blood, and alcohol.
- 7.
One may ask the question of why would a people, whose livelihood depends on fishing and for some of whom the waters bordering the coastline are filled with crabs, adopt such a law. Would it not impose negatively on their ability to catch and sell crabs? Would this law not be a disadvantage especially at a time when there was a drastic reduction in catch and any extra catch would help to bring in much needed income? It was interesting to note that none of the species of haram crabs, that is, amphibious crabs, that was listed by the respondents was meaty. The haram restriction on crabs was not something that affected the fishermen negatively. As such, it became an easier rule to follow.
- 8.
The latter include mak yong (a traditional form of healing séance where the dancers are possessed by the spirits of legendary Malay heroes as well as Hindu mythical figures such as Hanuman) and the institution of bomoh, a spiritual doctor-cum-shaman who invokes the aid of spiritual helpers to bring about healing or to wreck evil on clients’ enemies.
- 9.
In fact, they were not too hesitant in encouraging my Sunni assistant and me to study Shi’ism. When three of my Shi’a informants began offering me copious amounts of printed literature on Shi’ism and invited me to come spend at least a month studying at the Shi’a center in Nakorn Si Thammarat, my Sunni research assistant became very upset and extracted a grim promise from me to never convert to Shi’ism.
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Dorairajoo, S. (2019). Halal Crab, Haram Crab: Understanding Islam in Southern Thailand Through the Lens of Seafood. In: Dürrschmidt, J., Kautt, Y. (eds) Globalized Eating Cultures. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93656-7_13
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