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The Role of New Member States in the European Union’s External Democratization Policy: Towards an Analytical Framework

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Democracy Promotion and the Normative Power Europe Framework
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Abstract

This chapter begins from the premise that – with regard to external democracy promotion – while certain traits the new EU member states share can be detected, these states certainly do not constitute a homogeneous block. To reflect the differences that exist between the new member states with regard to how they perceive and implement their external democratization policies, an analytical framework taking the shape of an external democratization matrix is constructed and put forward. This speaks directly to the Normative Power Europe framework, arguing that it is necessary to problematize the EU’s actorness by acknowledging intra-EU struggles about what the EU is, enabling one to subsequently assess what it does. This opens up new research venues, where one of the most important questions is the role the individual member states (and separate regional clusters) play in the EU’s external democratization policy. In a first attempt to uncover these roles, the empirical part of the chapter focuses on the Czech Republic, seeing how it understood democracy promotion in 2004–2008 and whether, and how, it attempted to shape the EU’s policy to be in line with its own understanding.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Equally, scholars were also interested in the effects the EU membership perspective has had on the foreign policy of both Larnaca and Valetta, but as these do not form part of the CEECs (plus Croatia), these two are omitted in this contribution.

  2. 2.

    The current Multilateral Financial Framework for the EU budget (2014–2020) foresees €96.7 billion to be spent (Donor Tracker, available via http://donortracker.org/donor-profiles/european-union, accessed April 4, 2016).

  3. 3.

    In 2014, the EU collective ODA represented 0.42% of the EU Gross National Income (European Commission 2013). Please note that the new EU member states’ contribution to achieving the overall EU target lies in pledging to reach a national ODA/GNI ration of 0.17%, reflecting their incremental change from being an aid recipient to becoming an aid donor.

  4. 4.

    “Interview B,” (Prague: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, March 19, 2010): 6.

  5. 5.

    This chapter is concerned with all thirteen countries that joined in 2004, 2007, 2013 apart from Malta and Cyprus.

  6. 6.

    Note that since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, the newly created Foreign Affairs Council is the only one of the ten existing Council constellations that is no longer subject to the rotating Council Presidency. The entire remaining structure of the Council of the European Union – including all the working groups dealing with foreign policy matters and both COREPER and COPS – continue to be headed by a representative of the presiding country. As such, further research into whether the member states’ ability to co-shape the EU’s foreign policy agenda has remained intact is necessary. However, this is irrelevant to the present study as the Czech Republic held its Council Presidency before the Lisbon Treaty entered into force on December 1, 2009.

  7. 7.

    Recognizing the role moral authorities, in the vast majority linked to the Communist dissent, play within Prague’s foreign policy formation with regard to external democracy promotion, brings to the fore the question of whether, and how, the Czech Republic’s foreign policy will be reoriented once the voices of these authorities are no longer heard. It can thus be reasonably hypothesized that also the promotion of democracy in third countries may increasingly be seen as a means to achieving other, overarching, foreign policy goals, as a result of which the country would drop on the vertical axis of the matrix.

  8. 8.

    Russia’s importance for the Czech Republic’s overall international trade in the years 2004 to 2008 has been 2.69%, 2.58%, 3.80%, 3.50%, and 4.78% respectively. Vice versa, thus looking at the Czech Republic’s importance to Russia’s overall international trade in the same period has been 1.21%, 1.03%, 1.49%, 1.40%, and 1.60% respectively. As such, while we observe a significant increase in Russia’s relevance to Czech exports and imports, we observe a much more incremental growth of the Czech Republic’s relevance to Russia’s economy, with the gap widening over the scrutinized 5 years (Observatory of Economic Complexity, available at http://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/profile/country/cze/, accessed April 15, 2016).

  9. 9.

    For the data table on establishing the Czech Republic’s place within the External Democratization Matrix’ horizontal line, please refer to Appendix A at the end of this chapter.

  10. 10.

    “Interview X,” (Prague: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, January 17, 2011): 4.

  11. 11.

    “Interview V,” (Brussels: Permanent Representation of the Czech Republic to the European Union, November 27, 2010): 6.

  12. 12.

    “Interview Q,” (Prague: DEMAS Association for Democracy Assistance and Human Rights, April 16, 2010): 3–4.

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Correspondence to Marek Neuman .

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Appendix A: 2004–2008 Data Determining the Quality of the Czech Republic’s Relations with Post-Soviet Russia

Appendix A: 2004–2008 Data Determining the Quality of the Czech Republic’s Relations with Post-Soviet Russia

  

2004

 

2005

 

2006

 

Political

Inter-institutional cooperation

1

1

1

1

1

1

Defense cooperation

1

1

1

High-level official visits

1

0

1

Economic

Interdependence

−1

−1

−1

−1

−1

−1

Cultural

Cultural cooperation through cultural centers

1

1

1

1

1

1

Yearly average

  

0.33

 

0.22

 

0.33

Average 2004–2006

      

0.30

  

2007

 

2008

 

Political

Inter-institutional cooperation

1

0.33

1

0

Defense cooperation

0

−1

High-level official visits

0

0

Economic

Interdependence

−1

−1

−1

−1

Cultural

Cultural cooperation through cultural centers

1

1

1

1

Yearly average

  

0.11

 

0

Average 2007–2008

    

0.06

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Neuman, M. (2019). The Role of New Member States in the European Union’s External Democratization Policy: Towards an Analytical Framework. In: Neuman, M. (eds) Democracy Promotion and the Normative Power Europe Framework. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92690-2_4

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