Abstract
The imposition of the neoliberal imperial order in the early 1980s polarized society and sharpened the contradictions between regions, classes, and ethnic groups. This chapter focuses on the dynamic growth of social movements that organized to recover political space and reverse the regressive capitalist ‘reforms’ imposed from above with the blessing and backing of the United States. The chapter analyzes the revival and buildup of the new class-based movements in the 1990s and the ensuing class and ethnic struggles that culminated in the new millennium in the replacement of the United States’ client neoliberal regimes in the region. From the smoldering embers and the ashes of the Washington Consensus in the first decade of the twenty-first century, there emerged a new, more pragmatic neoliberal order (and several post-neoliberal ones) based on a perceived need to retreat from an unregulated form of free market capitalism and move toward a more inclusive form of development. The conditions needed to bring about this ‘progressive cycle’ in Latin American politics included the activism of social movements in their resistance to the neoliberal policy agenda. These movements, with their social base in the working class, the peasantry, indigenous farming communities, and a semi-proletariat formed in conditions of peripheral capitalism, were responsible not only for bringing about the rejection of neoliberalism as an economic doctrine and a model but also in paving the way for the emergence of a number of post-neoliberal regimes oriented toward inclusionary state activism. These regimes, brought into power or backed by the social movements, shared with these movements a concern for bringing about an alternative form of national development, ‘another world’ beyond neoliberalism—and in some cases (Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela) beyond capitalism (Burdick et al. 2009; Gaudichaud 2012; Cameron and Hershberg 2010; Levitsky and Roberts 2011; Petras and Veltmeyer 2009, 2013; Sader 2011; Silva 2009).
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Notes
- 1.
The analysis of Latin American social movement dynamics in this chapter is based on a more extended analysis found in J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, What’s Left in Latin America (Ashgate Publishing, 2009); J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, Social Movements in Latin America: Neoliberalism and Popular Resistance (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).
- 2.
J. Burdick, P. Oxhorn, and K.M. Roberts (eds.), Beyond Neoliberalism in Latin America? Societies and Politics at the Crossroads (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); F. Gaudichaud, El volcán latinoamericano. Izquierdas, movimientos sociales y neoliberalismo en América Latina, Otramérica (2012), http://blogs.otramerica.com/editorial; M. Cameron and E. Hershberg (eds.), Latin America’s Left Turns: Politics, Policies, and Trajectories of Change (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2010); Steven Levitsky and Kenneth Roberts (eds.), The Resurgence of the Latin American Left (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011); Petras and Veltmeyer, What’s Left in Latin America; Petras and Veltmeyer, Social Movements in Latin America; E. Sader, The New Mole: Paths of the Latin American Left (London: Verso Books, 2011); E. Silva, Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
- 3.
See J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, “Neoliberalism and the Dynamics of Capitalist Development in Latin America” in Berch Berberoglu (ed.), Globalization in the Twenty-First Century (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 57–86; H. Veltmeyer, “Neoliberalism and Imperialism in Latin America: Dynamics and Responses,” International Review of Modern Sociology 33 (2007), Special Issue.
- 4.
J. Petras and F. Leiva with H. Veltmeyer, Poverty and Democracy in Chile (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994).
- 5.
W. Robles and H. Veltmeyer, The Politics of Agrarian Reform in Brazil: The Landless Rural Workers Movement (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); J.P. Stedile and S. Frei, A luta pela terra no Brasil (São Paulo: Editorial Pagin Alberta, 1993); J.P. Stédile and B. Fernandes Mançano, Brava gente: a trajetória do MST e a luta pela terra no Brasil (São Paulo: Fundação Perseu Abramo, 1999).
- 6.
A. Contreras Baspineiro, La Marcha Historico (Cochabamba: CEDIB, 1994).
- 7.
H. Veltmeyer, “New Social Movements in Latin America: The Dynamics of Class and Identity,” The Journal of Peasant Studies 25, no. 1 (October 1997).
- 8.
J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, The Class Struggle in Latin America: Contemporary Dynamics (London: Routledge, 2017).
- 9.
E. Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes, 1914–1991 (London: Abacus, 1994), pp. 8, 289.
- 10.
Based on interviews with Pedro Stedile, leader of the MST, and Evo Morales, leader of the Cocaleros en Bolivia. Many of the names of the peasant unions were taken from mining centers of Oruro.
- 11.
Interview with regional leaders of the MST of Brazil at the I Curso Latinoamericano de Formación, March 19–29, 1995, Instituto Cajamar São Paulo.
- 12.
Interviews with Brazilian rural women of the MST at a Conference on Peasant Women in Rural Struggles, June 22, 1996, Cajamar, São Paulo.
- 13.
MST, Dirección Nacional, Como organisar a la masa (Sao Paulo: MST, 1991).
- 14.
Based on interviews at the time with MST leaders João Pedro Stedile and Ademar Bobo Egidio Brunetto in March 19–29, 1995. See also Documento Basico do MST, pp. 24–30.
- 15.
Interview with Ina Meireles, President of CUT, Rio de Janeiro, May 17, 1996, and Vito Giannotti, Educational Director, Aeronautical Workers, Rio de Janeiro, May 16, 1996.
- 16.
In Bolivia, during a seminar presented by the authors in June 1996 at the training school for mostly coca-growing peasants in La Paz, the central topic of debate was the relation of class to nation. In Paraguay the issue was less clearly defined, although in everyday conversations with peasant leaders it was clear that the Guarani cultural-linguistic universe was central.
- 17.
At a seminar in Cajamar on May 21, 1996 attended by the authors there were over 80 peasant women leaders from all regions of Brazil discussing such issues as gender equality in cooperatives, greater leadership roles, and greater acceptance of married women attending cadre schools. In a seminar presented by Petras, the class-gender framework was generally accepted and the debate flowed within the parameters of a rejection of bourgeois (classless) feminism and class reductionist economism.
- 18.
R. Burbach, “Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas,” New Left Review 205 (May–June, 1994), pp. 113–124.
- 19.
J. Holloway, Change the World Without Taking Power (London: Pluto Press, 2002).
- 20.
In Mexico the exclusion of the small-and middle-sized enterprises from the neoliberal model, led to the formation of a 750,000 strong organization of indebted farmers, El Barzon. Although in recent years, the dynamics of El Barzon has significantly declined in the 1990s it was a force to be reckoned with by the neoliberal regime.
- 21.
Cf. interview with João Pedro Stedile of the MST, May 13, 1996.
- 22.
This was partly the case at least in some industries and factories in Argentina. The Montoneros and People’s Revolutionary Army did have influence in certain unions, particularly in Cordoba and Rosario. But this was generally not the case in the major metallurgical industries in the Greater Buenos Aires area.
- 23.
Chile was the classic case during the late 1960s and early 1970s. See James Petras, Politics and Social Forces in Chilean Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).
- 24.
A typical list of declarations from the Foro appears in America Libre (Buenos Aires), No. 7, July 1995, pp. 115–118.
- 25.
Interview with MST leader João Pedro Stedile, 13 May 1996.
- 26.
An example of the redistributive and productionist approach of the MST—and a favorable response from the mass media—is found in ‘De sem-terra a productor rural’, A Noticia, 31 May 1996, p. 1. On the data see Brazil Report: Latin American Research Report, 19 September 1996, pp. 6–7.
- 27.
Based on interviews (May 13, 1996) with regional leaders of the MST, Santa Catarina.
- 28.
Jean Grugel and Pia Riggirozzi, “Post Neoliberalism: Rebuilding and Reclaiming the State in Latin America,” Development and Change 43, no. 1 (2012), pp. 1–21; Levitsky and Roberts, The Resurgence of the Latin American Left; L. Macdonald and A. Ruckert, Post-Neoliberalism in the Americas (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
- 29.
J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, “Social Movements and the State: Political Power Dynamics in Latin America,” Critical Sociology 32, no. 1 (2006), pp. 83–104.
- 30.
R.B. Infante and O. Sunkel, “Chile: Hacia un desarrollo inclusive,” Revista CEPAL 10, no. 97 (2009), pp. 135–154.
- 31.
Patrick S. Barrett, Daniel Chávez, and César A. Rodríguez Garavito (eds.), The New Latin American Left: Utopia Reborn (London: Pluto, 2008); Ben Fine and K.S. Jomo (eds.), The New Development Economics: After the Washington Consensus (London: Zed Books, 2006); J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer, Social Movements and State Power: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador (London: Pluto Press, 2005).
- 32.
Petras and Veltmeyer, The Class Struggle in Latin America.
- 33.
E. Gudynas, “Diez tesis urgentes sobre el nuevo extractivismo. Contextos y demandas bajo el progresismo sudamericano actual,” in Política y Sociedad (ed.), Extractivismo (Quito: CLAES/CAAP, 2009), pp. 187–225. Available from http://extractivismo.com/documentos/capitulos/GudynasExtractivismoSociedadDesarrollo09.pdf.
- 34.
On the policy and political dynamics of this progressive cycle see C. Katz, “Is South America’s ‘Progressive Cycle’ At an End? Neo-Developmentalist Attempts and Socialist Projects,” The Bullet, E-Bulletin No. 1229 (March 4, 2016); Gaudichaud, El volcán latinoamericano. Izquierdas, movimientos sociales y neoliberalismo en América Latina; and Petras and Veltmeyer, The Class Struggle in Latin America.
- 35.
A. Acosta, La maldición de la abundancia (Quito: Comité Ecuménico de Proyectos CEP/Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2009); A. Acosta, “Extractivismo y neoextractivismo: dos caras de la misma maldición,” in M. Lang and D. Mokrami (ed.), Mas allá del Desarrollo (Quito: Abya Yala, 2011); R.M. Auty, Sustaining Development in Mineral Economies: The Resource Curse Thesis (London: Routledge, 1993).
- 36.
Abya Yala, Diálogo de Alternativas y Alianzas de los Movimientos Indígenas, Campesinos y Sociales del Abya Yala. Minga Informativa de Movimientos Sociales, La Paz, 26 (2009).
- 37.
Robles and Veltmeyer, The Politics of Agrarian Reform in Brazil; Via Campesina, Agrarian Reform in the 21st Century: Building a New Vision, Redefining Strategies, and Celebrating Victories, Press Release (July 19, 2012); Via Campesina-Brazil, Por qué nos movilizamos? ALAI-América Latina en Movimiento, Asamblea Popular (Junio 10, 2008). http://alainet.org/active/24605&langes.
- 38.
‘The MST and Via Campesina have developed a common understanding, a common reading, of the historical evolution of capitalism in Brazil. We had four centuries of what might be called the “agro-export model”, which wasinaugurated by colonial capitalism. Industrial capitalism was not really implanted until 1930 [as] a model of dependent industrialization, because it was so highly dependent on foreign capital’ see João Pedro Stedile, “The Class Struggles in Brazil: The Perspective of the MST,” Socialist Register 44 (2008), pp. 193–216.
- 39.
Abya Yala, Diálogo de Alternativas y Alianzas de los Movimientos Indígenas, Campesinos y Sociales del Abya Yala.
- 40.
D. Harvey, The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
- 41.
Ruy Mauro Marini, Subdesarrollo y revolución, 5th ed. (México: Siglo XXI Editores, 1974) was one of the few exponents of ‘dependency theory’ who explained the dynamics of uneven capitalist development in terms of a Marxist theory of labour exploitation. He argued that development in the centre of the world system was based on ‘super-exploitation’, that is, remunerating the labour of workers and producers in peripheral social formations not at its value (exploitation) but below its value (superexploitation). He also elaborated a theory of class struggle and the resistance to the superexploitation of workers and peasants in the form and with the agency of revolutionary social movements.
- 42.
N. Girvan, “Extractive Imperialism in Historical Perspective,” in J. Petras and H. Veltmeyer (eds.), Extractive Imperialism in the Americas (Leiden: Brill Books, 2014), pp. 49–61.
- 43.
J. Cypher, Neoextracciónismo y Primarización: ¿la subida y decadencia de los términos del intercambio en América del Sur? Presentation at the International Seminar ‘Como Sembrar el Desarrollo en América Latina’, UNAM—IIE, México, DF (October 29–31, 2012).
- 44.
S. Spronk and J.R. Webber, “Struggles Against Accumulation by Dispossession in Bolivia: The Political Economy of Natural Resource Contention,” Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 2 (March 2007), pp. 31–47.
- 45.
D. Tetreault, “Mexico: The Political Ecology of Mining,” in H. Veltmeyer and J. Petras (eds.), The New Extractivism (London: Zed Books, 2014), pp. 172–191; P. Collier and A.J. Venables, Plundered Nations? Successes and Failures in Natural Resource Extraction (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).
- 46.
A. Bebbington, “The New Extraction: Rewriting the Political Ecology of the Andes?” NACLA Report on the America (September/October 2009), pp. 12–20.
- 47.
S. Polischuk, Massacres of the Extractivist Industry: Poisoning and Criminalisation of Our Towns and Indigenous Peoples. The Dawn, Enero 5 (2016). http://www.thedawn-news.org/2016/01/05/massacres-of-the-extractivist-industry-poisoning-andcriminalisation-of-our-towns-and-indigenous-peoples; M. Saguier, Minería para el desarrollo integral en la estrategia de UASUR, Presentation to the Conference ISA/FLACSO, Buenos Aires (July 23–25, 2014); Tetreault, “Mexico: The Political Ecology of Mining,” pp. 172–191.
- 48.
J. Martinez-Alier, The Environmentalism of the Poor: A Study of Ecological Conflicts and Valuation (London: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2003).
- 49.
Collier and Venables, Plundered Nations? Successes and Failures in Natural Resource Extraction; Tetreault, “Mexico: The Political Ecology of Mining,” pp. 172–191; Henry Veltmeyer and James Petras, The New Extractivism (London: Zed Books, 2014).
- 50.
Collier and Venables, Plundered Nations? Successes and Failures in Natural Resource Extraction.
- 51.
Veltmeyer and Petras, The New Extractivism.
- 52.
Girvan, “Extractive Imperialism in Historical Perspective,” pp. 49–61.
- 53.
Harvey, The New Imperialism.
- 54.
S. Borras Jr., J. Franco, S. Gomez, C. Kay, and M. Spoor, “Land Grabbing in Latin America and the Caribbean,” Journal of Peasant Studies 39, no. 3–4 (2012), pp. 845–872.
- 55.
Landgrabbing makes reference to what the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) terms ‘large-scale investments in the acquisition of land’. This phenomenon has expanded dramatically both in Latin America and elsewhere in the context of what might be described as ‘agro-extractivism’.
- 56.
See, e.g., the case studies in Veltmeyer and Petras, The New Extractivism.
- 57.
IWGIA—International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, The Indigenous World 2010, Copenhagen (2010). Available from http://www.iwgia.org/iwgia_files_publications_files/0001_I__2010_EB.pdf.
- 58.
E. Gudynas, “Postdevelopment as Critique and Alternative,” in H. Veltmeyer and P. Bowles (eds.), The Essential Critical Development Studies Guide (London: Routledge, 2017).
- 59.
Post-development, as Gudynas understands it—that is, with reference to the indigenous concept of Vivir Bien (Bolivia) or Buen vivir (Ecuador): to live in social solidarity and harmony with nature—is anti-systemic (constructed within a ‘non-capitalist paradigm’) but as opposed to socialism and any form of ‘structuralism’ as it is to capitalism.
- 60.
The President of Ecuador, Rafael Correa, just reelected to a second term, on February 4, 2013 affirmed the need for a ‘responsible use of the country’s vast reserve of non-renewable resources (i.e., with adequate environmental protection), as a necessary means of meeting the government’s commitment to eradicate poverty in the Amazonian region where these resources are found. In response to opponents and critics in the environmental and indigenous movements—who he branded as criminals, ‘environmental terrorists’ willing to sacrifice the country’s development on the altar of environmental idealism—he declared the government’s intention to promote the exploitation of minerals on a large scale. As he put it some days later (February 15) ‘we are not with the poor, not the multinationals’—adding that ‘we can no longer be beggars sitting on a bag full of gold’ (Latinoamérica, 24 de Febrero).
- 61.
FIDH – Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos, Criminalización de la protesta social frente a proyectos extractivos en Ecuador (2015), www.fidh.org.
- 62.
The opposition of the most ‘progressive’ post-neoliberal regimes in the region, namely Bolivia and Ecuador, to the forces of resistance on the extractive frontier is a function of the regimes’ dependence on extractive capital, a dependence that has led these regimes to side with capital (the multinational corporations in the extractive sector) in their relation of conflict with the communities that are negatively impacted by their extractive operations. On this see Veltmeyer and Petras, The New Extractivism.
- 63.
R. Zibechi, Territories in Resistance: A Cartography of Latin American Social Movements (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2012).
- 64.
See, for example, C. Fonseca and E. Mayer, Comunidad y Producción en el Peru (Lima, 1988), p. 187.
- 65.
M. Löwy, The War of Gods: Religion and Politics in Latin America (London: Verso, 1996).
- 66.
Landgrabbing makes reference to what the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations see FAO – Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, The State of Food and Agriculture, (Rome: FAO, 2011), terms ‘large-scale investments in the acquisition of land’. This phenomenon has expanded dramatically both in Latin America and elsewhere in the context of what we might term ‘agro-extractivism’. But our focus on extractivism in the mining sector precludes further discussion of the issue.
- 67.
See, e.g., the case studies in Veltmeyer and Petras, The New Extractivism.
- 68.
IWGIA—International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, The Indigenous World 2010.
- 69.
Sena-Fobomade, Se intensifica el extractivismo minero en América Latina, Foro Boliviano sobre Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, 03-02 (2011), http://fobomade.org.bo/art-1109.
- 70.
In theory—a theory shared by both mainstream development economists and Marxists—the advance of industrial capitalism (based on the ‘exploitation of the unlimited supplies of surplus rural labor’) would result in the ‘disappearance of the peasantry’. But under conditions found on the Latin American periphery of the world capitalist system in the 1980s it was the industrial proletariat that virtually disappeared with the formation of an informal sector of workers who were forced to ‘work on their own account rather than exchange their labor power against capital for a living wage.
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Petras, J.F., Veltmeyer, H. (2019). Neoliberalism and Social Movements in Latin America: Mobilizing the Resistance. In: Berberoglu, B. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Social Movements, Revolution, and Social Transformation. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92354-3_8
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