Abstract
This chapter discusses local actors and locality and the power of kinship as the principal social resource for the Awald ‘Ali. It deals with political biographies, political practices and the rationales of local tribal politicians as producers of local and interconnected trans-local political order. The chapter defines these politicians according to generation and function as “pioneers” and “political entrepreneurs.” The scope of heterarchy in the borderland is explored here, with sections on legal pluralism, political institutions, the role of new technologies and, finally, the Arab revolutions.
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Notes
- 1.
See “Clashes with Police in City of Salloum near Egyptian-Libyan Border,” Ahram Online, July 2, 2011, http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/15458/Egypt/Politics-/Clashes-with-police-in-city-of-Salloum-near-Egypti.aspx, and Ramadan Al Sherbini, “Two Killed in Clashes with Egypt Army in Border Town,” Gulf News, April 11, 2012, http://gulfnews.com/news/mena/egypt/two-killed-in-clashes-with-egypt-army-in-border-town-1.1007081.
- 2.
The concept was first employed by neuroscientist Warren McCulloch in 1945 in order to describe the non-hierarchical, but heterarchical, organization of the brain in which different sections and entities interact on a horizontal level; see Carole L. Crumley, 1995, “Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies,” Archaelogical Papers of the American Anthropological Association 7, no. 1 (1995): 3.
- 3.
The engagement with locality and local politics beside tribal populations is also well established. Diane Singerman has dealt with the (local) politics in lower-income areas of Cairo; see Diane Singerman, Avenues of Participation: Family, Politics, and Networks in Urban Quarters of Cairo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995). Asef Bayat’s fascination with the politics of ordinary people also includes a focus on locality, particularly in regard to the self-mobilization of the urban poor; see Asef Bayat, Life as Politics. How Ordinary People Change the Middle East, ISIM Series on Contemporary Muslim Societies (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010).
- 4.
The term “kinship association” matches closely with the (kinship-based) corporate groups and networks described by Marx; see Emanuel Marx, “The Ecology and Politics of Nomadic Pastoralists in the Middle East,” in The Nomadic Alternative, Modes and Models of Interaction in the African-Asian Deserts and Steppes, ed. W. Weissleder (The Hague, Paris: Mouton Publishers, 1978), 41–74, and Emanuel Marx, Bedouin of Mount Sinai. An Anthropological Study of Their Political Economy (New York: Berghahn, 2014).
- 5.
With respect to the Bedouin of Cyrenaica, see Emrys L. Peters, The Bedouin of Cyrenaica: Studies in Personal and Corporate Power, ed. Jack Goody and Emanuel Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
- 6.
See Thomas Hüsken, “The Neotribal Competitive Order in the Borderland of Egypt and Libya,” in Respacing Africa, eds. Ulf Engel and Paul Nugent (Amsterdam: Brill, 2009), 169–209.
- 7.
See note 5.
- 8.
Regarding these translations I follow Dresch; see Paul Dresch, Tribes, Government and History in Yemen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).
- 9.
See Lila Abu-Lughod, Veiled Sentiments. Honour and Poetry in a Bedouin Society (Berkeley & Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986), 43, 49ff.
- 10.
‘Abd al-Malik passed away in 2012.
- 11.
“Rommel und die Beduinen.” First broadcast in 2006 on German television’s Channel Two (Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (ZDF)).
- 12.
The (Egyptian) feddan equals one acre and has an area of 4,200 m2.
- 13.
The real name of Mr. Orabi will not be mentioned here. I personally met Mr. Orabi for the first time in 1994 while I was working for al-Qasr Rural Development Project (QRDP) of the German Society for Technical Cooperation (GTZ, now GIZ: the German Society for International Cooperation) in Marsa Matrouh. At the time he was the Egyptian director of the project. In the years that followed we kept in touch on a regular basis. In 2008, we spent two days at his farm near al-Hamam and conducted a long biographical conversation.
- 14.
When I visited the desert developers of the Egyptian state in Marsa Matrouh in 2007, they did not even have cars at their disposal with which to conduct field trips.
- 15.
Rigal al-khir (men of good fortune or blessed men) is a Bedouin title for morally faultless successful leaders who act as mediators across tribal factions and parties (see Gerald Joseph Obermeyer, “Leadership and Transition in Bedouin Society: A Case Study,” in The Desert and the Sown, Nomads in the Wider Society, ed. Cynthia Nelson (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California Press, 1973), 166.
- 16.
The QRDP ran from the late 1980s until the beginning of the new millennium.
- 17.
See the website of Priority Programme 1448 (“Adaptation and Creativity in Africa – Technologies and Significations in the Production of Order and Disorder”) of the German Research Foundation (DFG): Adaptation and Creativity in Africa – Technologies and Significations in the Production of Order and Disorder, last modified 2018, http://www.spp1448.de.
- 18.
Literally translated, nizam al-kusa means “system of the zucchini.” It is a local expression for corruption and nepotism.
- 19.
Both clans belong to the Ahmar subtribe.
- 20.
The following case study is based on four biographical interviews (in 2007 and 2008) with Mabruk, who was around 80 years old at the time. I also conducted group discussions with his family in 2010. My conversational partner passed away in 2010. All names have been anonymized.
- 21.
Libya lost almost one fifth of its population (around 300,000 out of a total of 1.5 million) during the resistance against the Italians. This is the greatest loss of life proportional to population size in the entire colonial era worldwide.
- 22.
When I was invited to the house of a high-ranking general of the Libyan army in 2007, my host proudly presented a photo gallery showing his father who had been a high-ranking army officer in the days of the Libyan Kingdom, and his grandfather and great-grandfather who were great notables of his tribe. My host saw himself as a true Arab socialist, and openly criticized Gaddafi, who he saw as traitor of the revolution. Nevertheless, he had no problem with the continuity of the elite position of his family throughout the changing political settings.
- 23.
It is interesting to notice that this is also partly true for the Libyan side. Here, the export of the Egyptian model served as a form of inter-Arab development cooperation or cooperative modernization. During these two decades thousands of Egyptian engineers, scientists and teachers contributed to the development of Libya (and many other Arab nations).
- 24.
In the sense of Escobar (see Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development. The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 21ff), development stands for theories and practices that emerged after the Second World War as a new mode of analyzing and defining the world in developed and to-be-developed spheres. However, in my reading of this, Escobar neglected to discuss models of development that were genuinely produced in so-called third-world countries. Although these models (like modernization initiatives by Gamal Abdel Nasser) were certainly influenced by global socialist modernization paradigms, they also have their very own history, thinking and practice and are not just dependent variables in a pre-arranged global plot.
- 25.
See Mario Krämer, “Neither Despotic nor Civil: the Legitimacy of Chieftaincy in Relationship with the ANC and the State in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa),” The Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (March 2016): 136.
- 26.
I borrow the term “forum shopping” from Benda-Beckmann (see Franz von Benda-Beckmann, “Rechtspluralismus: analytische Begriffsbildung oder politisch-ideologisches Programm?” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 118, no. 2 (1994): 1–16), where it is used to describe the choice between different channels and institutions of conflict resolution in the context of legal pluralism.
- 27.
I accompanied Sheikh Miftah many times during his working days. When meetings and procedures were too sensitive, Miftah asked me to skip the participant observation for a few hours. I usually documented his activities in an activity record. This example is a compilation of several participant observation sessions, but is nevertheless representative of a typical day.
- 28.
See Eberhard Kienle, A Grand Delusion. Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London, New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 2001), and Thomas Hüsken, Der Stamm der Experten, Rhetorik und Praxis des interkulturellen Managements in der deutschen staatlichen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (Bielefeld: transcript, 2006), 23ff.
- 29.
The buying of votes has been a common strategy to ensure success in elections all over Egypt. In the borderland it is a long-established part of intertribal politics within the framework of state-driven elections.
- 30.
I have known the ‘aila since 2007, when I visited Libya for the first time. The following case is based on four narrative interviews with Hagg Ghanam and his son Mabruk, who is fluent in English and supported me in understanding the Libyan dialect. Furthermore, I conducted biographical interviews with his sons and initiated open conversations and group discussions about politics whenever I was a guest at the house of the family. During the Libyan revolution against Gaddafi, Hagg Ghanam hosted me, and his sons accompanied and protected me while I was working in Tobruk.
- 31.
Interlacement represents a form of entanglement of different political actors, rationales and practices. It is connected to the notion of articulation (of different modes of production) that was discussed by French Marxist anthropologists like Claude Meillasoux; see Claude Meillassoux, Die wilden Früchte der Frau (Frankfurt am Main: Syndikat, 1976). Later, the term was adopted and further developed by Hans Dieter Evers and the Bielefeld School of Development Sociology (see Thomas Bierschenk, “Hans-Dieter Evers und die “Bielefelder Schule” der Entwicklungssoziologie” (Arbeitspapiere/Working Papers no. 1, Mainz, 2002). I use the term “ interlacement” to identify forms of political bricolage.
- 32.
Mahgoub translates awayid as “duties and legal rules.”
- 33.
‘Urf covers 12 legal fields: the regulation of tribal leadership and responsibilities (roles and duties of tribal leaders in political and economic affairs); the definition of the amar al-damm (the “unit of blood” is the kinship group that carries the criminal responsibility in the context of feud, vengeance and compensation); the criminal responsibility of women; the disavowal of feudal unit members (al-barawa); the hosting of an offender or accused until the case is settled by a third party (nazala); witness testimony; the oath to prove innocence and sincerity; the roles of the mardi; compensation in case of murder (al-deya); wounds and disabilities proved by a forensic doctor (al-nazara); compensation for non-physical offences (al-kabara); and, finally, crime and punishment in organized theft, wounding by close relatives, theft, the settling of debts, the crime of aiding avengers and invaders, cases of the breaking of the rules of al-nazala, sexual crimes, cases of dispute over land and real estate, cases of dispute over wells and water sources, cases involving camels and cases resulting from the trading or circulation of arms.
- 34.
The issue has also entered Libyan media debates: see Mohamed Almenfi, “Op-Ed: In Libya, Only One System of Law is Functioning, and It’s Not State Law,” Libya Herald, July 13, 2017, https://www.libyaherald.com/2017/07/13/op-ed-in-libya-only-one-system-of-law-is-functioning-and-its-not-state-law/.
- 35.
Bedouin informants of the secret police tend to manipulate the authorities by intentional disinformation.
- 36.
Although most Bedouin farmers do not hold official land deeds, investors informally pay both the Bedouin and the state, the latter being the official legal owner; see Thomas Hüsken and Olin Roenpage, Jenseits von Traditionalismus und Stagnation. Analyse einer beduinischen Ökonomie in der Westlichen Wüste Ägyptens (Münster: LIT-Verlag, 1998), 56ff.
- 37.
Workers from Upper Egypt are often organized in traditional local cooperatives called gam‘iya, pl. gam‘iyat. These cooperatives offer services to their members and represent them in cases of conflict.
- 38.
I was not allowed to join them, and so I watched the men with my friend Seif. At the end of the day, Abdallah reported back to me and explained what had happened at the meeting. A week later, I visited Dr. Feisal in his private clinic.
- 39.
I was not told the exact figures, but informants guessed a sum of one million Egyptian pounds.
- 40.
The term “authorities” in this context means the networks of the NDP which had colonized the Egyptian state under Hosni Mubarak’s rule. This sheds an interesting light on the issue of statehood in Egypt that is also relevant to an understanding of the depth of heterarchy. The case reveals how non-state local actors cooperate with the networks of a political party in order to bypass codified legal routines (nomination of candidates).
- 41.
Since property is not formally registered the experts had to rely on information provided by the Bedouin.
- 42.
Hosni Mubarak’s regime turned the Egyptian police force into an instrument of punishment of any form of political opposition and for systematic repression. Arbitrary detention and torture became a daily practice which was even imposed on ordinary people. In 2011, the police forces disappeared from the streets in fear of acts of revenge by the population.
- 43.
Al-nitham (the system) was used by the revolutionary protesters as a signifier for the regime of Hosni Mubarak.
- 44.
Like the leading subtribes of the Awlad ‘Ali, the ‘Obeidat belong to the sa‘dawi tribes. The relationship between the ‘Obeidat and the Awlad ‘Ali is eventful, and involves times of alliance (under the rule of the Sanusiya) and phases of conflict and tribal warfare. Over the last 200 years, the Awlad ‘Ali (once a dominant tribe in Cyrenaica) were gradually pushed into Egypt by the ‘Obeidat.
- 45.
Graffiti was fairly strictly forbidden in Gaddafi’s Libya. This did not mean that graffiti artists and activists did not exist; however, it did entail many of them having to hide their work (which was often only sprayed on cardboard), and meant that they could meet only under clandestine conditions. In the course of the upheaval against Gaddafi this form of art and political comment literally exploded and became an important part of political artistic expression (see Cherstich 2014). I showed a photograph of this graffiti during several meetings and political conversations to check its relevance for my interview partners. Unfortunately, I could not identify the artist of the graffiti (even with the help of local informants). It is very likely that the artist was one of the revolutionary activists who traveled the country in 2011 and 2012. Thus he might not have been from Tobruk itself. The graffiti was destroyed in 2013.
- 46.
Miriam Cooke (Duke University) has recently studied the attempts to consolidate Qatar as a nation-state on the basis of a reinvention of tribal affiliation based on the notion of true blood. This includes obedient tribes (true blood) who do not question the legitimacy of the monarchy, and excludes tribes who are critical. However, the notion of true blood not only defines political loyalty. Blood tests are conducted to identify the true genetic and social Qatari identity of people, and have become increasingly important in Qatar’s marriage market.
- 47.
In 2015, Qatar also invited delegations of the Libyan Tebu and Tuareg to mediate conflicts that emerged out of Libya’s dissolution among opposing postrevolutionary camps.
- 48.
In Tobruk, the Alliance won four out of five seats. See the homepage of the High National Election Commission of Libya (http://www.hnec.ly/en/).
- 49.
See Camille Tawil, “Operation Dignity: General Haftar’s Latest Battle May Decide Libya’s Future,” The Jamestown Foundation, May 30, 2014, http://www.jamestown.org/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=42443&no_cache=1#.VX6Q5WA_se4.
- 50.
For a detailed analysis, see Wolfram Lacher, “Libya’s Local Elites and the Politics of Alliance Building,” in “Dynamics of Transformation, Elite Change and New Social Mobilization in the Arab World,” special issue, Mediterranean Politics 21, no. 1 (2016).
- 51.
This practice was undermined only by kinship associations (and their politicians) who were involved in political Islam.
- 52.
Both offices were introduced by the Egyptian state but subsequently appropriated by the Awlad ‘Ali; see Thomas Hüsken and Olin Roenpage, Jenseits von Traditionalismus und Stagnation. Analyse einer beduinischen Ökonomie in der Westlichen Wüste Ägyptens (Münster: LIT-Verlag, 1998), 85ff.
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Hüsken, T. (2019). Pioneers, Political Entrepreneurs and Heterarchy in the Borderland. In: Tribal Politics in the Borderland of Egypt and Libya. Palgrave Series in African Borderlands Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92342-0_4
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