Abstract
This chapter introduces readers to the strategic dilemma of authoritarian elections and lays out the central questions to be addressed in the book. The chapter also offers a brief summary of existing explanations of election boycotts and their limitations. In addition, the chapter provides an overview of Buttorff’s central argument and main contributions to the study of contentious and authoritarian elections in the Arab world.
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Notes
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Diamond (2015) notes that “around 2006, the expansion of freedom and democracy in the world came to a prolonged halt. Since 2006, there has been no net expansion in the number of electoral democracies, which has oscillated between 114 and 119 (about 60 percent of the world’s states).” He further remarks: “the number of both electoral and liberal democracies began to decline after 2006 and then flattened out” (p. 142).
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Another classification that is common, especially in the democratization by election subliterature, is competitive versus hegemonic authoritarianism . Brownlee (2009), however, notes that while Iran might be considered a competitive authoritarian state, the Arab states in the Middle East region would not be (p. 131; see also Brownlee 2007).
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There are of course exceptions; for example, the Islamic Action Front’s boycott of the 2007 municipal elections in Jordan and the boycott of the 1999 presidential elections in Algeria by the “Group of Six.”
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Freedom House. 2016. Freedom in the World, 1973–2016.
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The theory advanced here does not preclude non-party opposition actors. There are important non-party opposition actors (e.g., civil society groups, such as the aarchs in Algeria), in both Jordan and Algeria. However, given that one of the primary goals of the theory is to explain the strategic choices behind a party’s decision to participate in or boycott elections, I selected opposition political parties as the unit of analysis for the case studies.
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See “Assessment of the Electoral Framework,” 2007, p. 9.
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Aghrout and Zoubir (2012, p. 39). Roberts (2007) refers to the FFS as the “principled” opposition. One Algerian expert considers neither the Worker’s Party nor the Rally for Culture and Democracy to be “proper” opposition parties (A1, Interview with author, April 2011). See also Storm (2014) on this point.
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Buttorff, G.J. (2019). The Strategic Dilemma of Authoritarian Elections. In: Authoritarian Elections and Opposition Groups in the Arab World. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92186-0_1
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