Abstract
This paper examines the EU’s position vis-à-vis the increasing semi-authoritarianism in post-Democrats-led Serbia and post-independence Kosovo. While welcoming the respective leaders, the Brussels authorities have regularly suggested that they expect a lot in terms of regional developments (primarily in the case of the Kosovo status question, but also in terms of Serbia’s problematic ambition to position itself between the East and the West), which in turn could be interpreted that as long as they were prone to respond to the EU’s demands, a whole range of domestic policies would be of secondary concern. By turning a blind eye in front of numerous moves and decisions, the EU has contributed to semi-authoritarian practices in the Western Balkans. Accordingly, whichever the level of support for the EU in the region, its involvement has revealed hypocrisy towards the EU’s core principles and values such as the rule of law and human rights. On the other hand, should the regime change become a priority, the Brussels administration would most likely start employing pressure on the elites, labelling their domestic policies as detrimental and not in accordance with the EU’s agenda. At this point, the semi-authoritarian behaviour would suddenly become highly problematic and the West could claim the need to come up with a new approach so as to allow Serbia and Kosovo to genuinely pursue processes of democratisation and Europeanisation.
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Notes
- 1.
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- 2.
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński, Regime Change in the Yugoslav Successor States: Divergent Paths toward a New Europe, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010; Máire Braniff, Integrating theBalkans: Conflict Resolution and the Impact of EU Expansion, London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2011; Lenard J. Cohen and John R. Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans: From Post-Conflict Struggles toward European Integration, Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, and Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011; Arolda Elbasani (ed.), European Integration and Transformation in the WesternBalkans: Europeanisationor Business as Usual? Oxon: Routledge, 2013; Robert M. Hayden, From Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans: Studies of a European Disunion, 1991–2011, Leiden: Brill, 2013; Soeren Keil and Zeynep Arkan (eds.), The EU and Member State Building: European Foreign Policy in the Western Balkans, Oxon: Routledge, 2015; and Branislav Radeljić (ed.), Europe and the post-Yugoslav Space, Farnham: Ashgate, 2013.
- 3.
In his memoirs, Panić explained: ‘I pledged to give the West everything it wanted, but the diplomats, too savvy and cynical by half, could not help looking the gift horse in the mouth … [T]he Europeans wanted to talk with Milosevic. He was still seen as the region’s only true power broker … All [the West’s] working with Milosevic did was undercut my position and undermine the political groups in Serbia dedicated to the dictator’s overthrow.’ Milan Panić (with Kevin C. Murphy), Prime Minister for Peace: My Struggle for Serbian Democracy, Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield, 2015: 78.
- 4.
For example, TIME reported on the CIA’s strategy: ‘Agency computer hackers will try to disrupt Milosevic’s private financial transactions and electronically drain his overseas bank accounts. (Intelligence officials suspect he has money socked away in Switzerland, Cyprus, Greece, Russia and China.) The CIA also hopes to funnel cash secretly to opposition groups inside Yugoslavia as well as recruit dissidents within the Belgrade government and the Yugoslav military … [Secretary of State] Albright met with the German, French, British, and Italian foreign ministers in New York City last week to plot how each country might exploit its ties with dissident elements in Serbia.’ Douglas Waller, ‘Tearing Down Milosevic: Washington Resorts to a Bag of Tricks to Try to Get Yugoslavia A New Leader,’ TIME, 5 July 1999, http://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/time/1999/07/05/milosevic.html (accessed 28 June 2017).
- 5.
For an analysis of the obvious discord between Djindjić and Koštunica, see Obrad Kesić, ‘An Airplane with Eighteen Pilots: Serbia after Milošević,’ in Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlaković (eds.), Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Milošević and after, Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2005: 95–121; and Vesna Pešić, ‘State Capture and Widespread Corruption in Serbia,’ CEPS Working Document, No. 262, 2007.
- 6.
On different democratisation and Europeanisation challenges, see James Dawson, Cultures of Democracy inSerbiaandBulgaria: How Ideas Shape Politics, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014; Spyros Economides and James Ker-Lindsay, ‘“Pre-accession Europeanization”: The Case of Serbia and Kosovo,’ Journal of Common Market Studies, 53(5), 2015: 1027–44; Ildiko Erdei, ‘IKEA in Serbia: Debates on Modernity, Culture and Democracy in Pre-Accession Period,’ in Tanja Petrović (ed.), Mirroring Europe: Ideas of Europe and Europeanization in Balkan Societies, Leiden: Brill, 2014: 114–34; Mladen Mladenov and Bernhard Stahl, ‘Signaling Right and Turning Left: The Response to EU-Conditionality in Serbia,’ in Soeren Keil and Zeynep Arkan (eds.), The EU and Member State Building: European Foreign Policy in the WesternBalkans, Oxon: Routledge, 2015: 122–39; Jelena Stojanović, ‘EU Political Conditionality towards Serbia: Membership Prospects vs. Domestic Constraints,’ in Arolda Elbasani (ed.), European Integration and Transformation in the Western Balkans: Europeanization or Business as Usual? Oxon: Routledge, 2013: 54–69; Marko Stojić, Party Responses to the EU in the Western Balkans: Transformation, Opposition or Defiance? Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017; Jelena Subotić, ‘Explaining Difficult States: The Problems of Europeanisation in Serbia,’ East European Politics and Societies, 24(4), 2010: 595–616; and Andrew Taylor, Andrew Geddes and Charles Lees, The European Union and South East Europe: The Dynamics of Europeanisation and Multi-level Governance, Oxon: Routledge, 2013.
- 7.
For a good overview of the lustration dilemma, see Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić, ‘An Unsuccessful Attempt of Lustration in Serbia,’ in Vladimíra Dvoráková and Andjelko Milardović (eds.), Lustration and Consolidation of Democracy and the Rule of Law in Central and Eastern Europe, Zagreb: Political Science Research Centre, 2007: 169–82.
- 8.
For in-depth analyses of the trend among politicians to join and leave parties in order to join other or form some new ones, see Nikiforos P. Diamandouros and Richard Gunther (eds.), Parties, Politics and Democracy in the New Southern Europe, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001; Anna M. Grzymala-Busse, Redeeming the Communist Past: The Regeneration of Communist Parties in East-Central Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002; Petr Kopecky (ed.), Political Parties and the State in Post-communist Europe, New York: Routledge, 2008; and Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson (eds.), Party Politics in the WesternBalkans, London: Routledge, 2010.
- 9.
Dick Marty, ‘Inhuman Treatment of People and Illicit Trafficking in Human Organs in Kosovo*,’ Council of Europe, 12 December 2010, http://assembly.coe.int/CommitteeDocs/2010/20101218_ajdoc462010provamended.pdf (accessed 16 June 2017).
- 10.
For a different view, see Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, ‘The Myth of Democratic Recession,’ Journal of Democracy, 26(1), 2015: 45–58; and Wolfgang Merkel, ‘Are Dictatorships Returning? Revisiting the “Democratic Rollback” Hypothesis,’ Contemporary Politics, 16(1), 2010: 17–31.
- 11.
See, for example, Dušan Stojanović, ‘Serbia’s New President Revives Balkan Tensions,’ Associated Press, 4 June 2012, http://www.foxnews.com/world/2012/06/04/serbia-new-president-revives-balkan-tensions.html (accessed 1 July 2017).
- 12.
Discussing reconstruction in the post-Yugoslav context, Steve H. Hanke observed back in 1999: ‘[T]he job of reconstruction is going to be extremely difficult. The establishment of the rule of law or institution-building is the key to establishing trust and economic prosperity in the region. You have to realize that the Balkans have never had the rule of law.’ Hanke cited in Paul J.J. Welfens, Stabilizing and Integrating the Balkans: Economic Analysis of the Stability Pact, EU Reforms and International Organizations, Berlin: Springer, 2001: 16.
- 13.
On the Brussels Agreement, see Leandrit I. Mehmeti, ‘Perspectives of the Normalization of Relations between Kosovo and Serbia,’ in Leandrit I. Mehmeti and Branislav Radeljić (eds.), Kosovo and Serbia: Contested Options and Shared Consequences, Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2016: 216–42.
- 14.
See, for example, Miša Brkić, ‘Heavenly Serbia,’ Peščanik, 3 February 2014, http://pescanik.net/heavenly-serbia/; Dosta je bilo, ‘Vučić duplirao broj partijskih nameštenika na aerodromu,’ 14 May 2016, http://dostajebilo.rs/vucic-duplirao-broj-partijskih-namestenika-u-aerodromu/; Saša Dragojlo, ‘Vučić Not Tackling Serbia’s Corruption, Experts Say,’ Balkan Insight, 8 April 2016, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/vucic-s-government-made-no-promised-progress-on-tackling-corruption-04-07-2016; Istinomer, ‘Javni dug Srbije,’ N1, 26 January 2016, http://rs.n1info.com/a129283/Vesti/Istinomer-tajmlajn-Javni-dug-Srbije.html; Lily Lynch, ‘Inside Serbia’s Anti-corruption War,’ Balkanist, 22 December 2013, http://balkanist.net/inside-serbias-anti-corruption-war/; Ministarstvo prostora, ‘Beograd na mutnoj vodi,’ Peščanik, 25 January 2014, http://pescanik.net/beograd-na-mutnoj-vodi/; Miroslav Prokopijević, ‘Can Serbia Avoid Debt Crisis?’ Peščanik, 17 April 2014, http://pescanik.net/can-serbia-avoid-debt-crisis/; Vladimir Radomirović, ‘Aerodrom zaposlio skoro 800 ljudi bez konkursa,’ Pištaljka, 11 May 2016, https://pistaljka.rs/home/read/554; Vojislav Stevanović, ‘Stojiljković: SNS je najveća socijalna organizacija u Srbiji,’ N1, 29 February 2016, http://rs.n1info.com/a138911/Vesti/Vesti/Stojiljkovic-SNS-je-najveca-socijalna-organizacija-u-Srbiji.html; and Tony Verheijen, ‘Serbia: State Employees Galore, But Where Is the Private Sector?’ 2 April 2014, http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/opinion/2014/04/02/serbia-state-employees-galore-but-where-is-private-sector (all accessed 18 July 2017).
- 15.
Nebojša Malić, ‘Is NATO Sprawl Aggravating a “Serbian Spring”?’ RT, 24 Febraury 2016, https://www.rt.com/op-edge/333456-nato-sprawl-aggravating-serbian-spring/ (accessed 26 July 2017).
- 16.
According to the Joint Statement on Termination of Investigation on Alleged Corruption within EULEX of 7 November 2016, there was no evidence ‘of soliciting or accepting a bribe. EULEX Mission and EU Office/EUSR are confident that the integrity of EULEX affected staff is hereby fully restored’ (http://www.eulex-kosovo.eu/?page=2,10,518).
- 17.
See, for example, Radio Free Europe, ‘Investigative Journalist Beaten In Kosovo,’ 13 October 2017, https://www.rferl.org/a/kosovo-journalist-attacked/28793663.html (accessed 25 October 2017).
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Radeljić, B. (2019). Tolerating Semi-authoritarianism? Contextualising the EU’s Relationship with Serbia and Kosovo. In: Džankić, J., Keil, S., Kmezić, M. (eds) The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans. New Perspectives on South-East Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91412-1_8
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