Abstract
The paper examines the intellectual culture of higher mathematics in Prussia and more broadly in Germany in the middle of the nineteenth century. There was at this time a strong ethos of pure mathematics in which the subject was pursued more for its intrinsic interest than for its utility or practical applications. This outlook was reflective of the prominence of neohumanism in German culture of the period. In the case of mathematics, it led to a higher degree of logical sophistication in the elaboration of theories. The work of Adolph Mayer in the calculus of variations at Prussia’s University of Königsberg is presented as a case study that illustrates the outlook and underlying values of German higher mathematics in the second half of the century. The self-consciously theoretical character of this mathematics distinguished it in a qualitative way from the style and mentality of the Enlightenment masters of analysis a century earlier. Our study provides evidence for the basic historicity of the development of analysis from 1750 to 1870.
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Notes
- 1.
This essay originated in response to Josipa Petrunic’s call to explore how epistemic cultures in mathematical practice and theory are identified, and how they interact. A workshop on this subject was held at the University of Toronto in the summer of 2012. I am grateful to Hardy Grant for comments on an earlier draft of the paper, and to the referees for their comments.
- 2.
In the present essay, the word “culture” is used not as a formal theoretical concept of sociology, but rather in its everyday sense as the common system of beliefs and values that members of society bring to projects of literary, artistic, and intellectual achievement. Within history of science, our understanding of this word is consistent with the way it is used in an article such as Paul Forman’s (1971) “Weimar culture, causality and quantum theory, 1918–1927: adaptation by German physicists and mathematicians to a hostile intellectual environment.” For a study that articulates the notion of a culture in science on a more explicit theoretical level, see Karin Knorr Cetina’s Epistemic Cultures: How Sciences Make Knowledge (1999).
- 3.
Gerstell (1975) provides an account of mathematics education in Prussia in the first part of the nineteenth century.
- 4.
- 5.
For a standard account of this development, see Joseph Ben-David’s “German scientific hegemony and the emergence of organized science,” (Ben-David 1971, Chapter 7).
- 6.
For a wide-ranging discussion of historical and philosophical notions of pure and applied mathematics, see Ian Hacking’s “Applications,” Chapter 5 of Why Is There a Philosophy of Mathematics at All (2014). Hacking (p. 153) distinguishes the philosophical meaning of pure as that which does not involve any experiential input from the more common meaning of pure as that which is independent of practical purposes. Authors such as du Bois-Reymond and Crelle seem to have understood pure mathematics in the second sense. What Jakob Fries called applied mathematics would certainly count as pure in the second sense. The theory of the second variation in the calculus of variations belongs to pure mathematics in either sense, while a subject such as Hamilton–Jacobi theory in dynamics—cultivated as an abstract theory—would evidently belong to pure mathematics in the second sense.
- 7.
- 8.
Schubring cites Leonard Nelson (ed.), “Vier Briefe von Gauss und Weber an Fries,” Abhandlungen der Fries’schen Schule V. 1 (1906), 431–440, p. 437. Concerning Fries 1822 book, Gauss provided the following advice to a skeptical student: “Young man, if after three years of intense study you have progressed to where you understand and appreciate this book, you can leave the university with the conviction that you have made use of your time better by far than the majority of your fellow students.” Quoted in Gregory (1983, p. 186).
- 9.
For more information on the Jacobi school (see Klein 1926, pp. 112–115).
- 10.
For biographical information on Mayer (see Thiele 1999).
- 11.
For biographical information on Richelot (see Cantor 1889).
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
Noteworthy is the way in which the operational character of the variational process δ enters into the reasoning. See Fraser (1994).
- 15.
For a history of Jacobi’s work in mathematical dynamics (see Nakane and Fraser 2002).
- 16.
Spitzer came from a Jewish family in Mikulov in Moravia. The second variation in the calculus of variations was his first area of research in mathematics. He is perhaps best known for his writings on the Laplace transform, where he championed the priority of Laplace and became involved in a dispute with his Vienna contemporary Joseph Petzval (see Deakin 1981). Spitzer’s career was at the Vienna Handelsschule and he also taught at the Polytechnische Institut in Vienna.
- 17.
One gets a sense for the theoretical character of mathematics in Mayer’s time in the theses that he included as part of the public defense of his Habilitation. Such theses were often only distantly connected to the subject of the Habilitation. Including among the eight theses presented by Mayer were the following: in purely analytic problems, geometric considerations are insufficient; infinitesimals may lead to new mathematical theorems but cannot be part of their proof; Lagrange’s multiplier method in the calculus of variations is in need of a rigorous and scientific foundation; in optics the ether must be taken to be incompressible; and the law of inertia is a pure truth of experience.
- 18.
Mayer’s (1866) Beiträge zur Theorie der Maxima und Minima der einfachen Integrale seems to have had rather limited distribution, and is not widely cited in the literature on the calculus of variations. There are copies at the major German university libraries. There is a copy in the British Library, but no copy in the Bibliothèque nationale de France. In the United States, no copies exist in the libraries of Harvard and the Library of Congress. While the University of Chicago was only founded in 1890, it acquired many older books in the calculus of variations (an important field of mathematical research at Chicago into the middle of the twentieth century), although Mayer’s book was not among them. There are copies at Yale and Princeton, although it is not indicated in their catalogues when the book was acquired. Of course, every major university possesses Crelle’s journal, in which Mayer’s (1868) article appeared. Today Mayer’s Beiträge is available online at Google Books.
- 19.
For a critical account of the outlook and mentality that d’Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, and other eighteenth-century figures brought to their work in analysis (see Ferraro 2008).
- 20.
The biographies of Mayer in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography, the St. Andrews MacTutor website, and Wikipedia are based on the obituaries by VonderMühll (1908) and Liebmann (1908). Both of these authors mention Mayer’s Habilitation without providing any details concerning its contents or significance.
- 21.
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Fraser, C. (2018). The Culture of Research Mathematics in 1860s Prussia: Adolph Mayer and the Theory of the Second Variation in the Calculus of Variations. In: Zack, M., Schlimm, D. (eds) Research in History and Philosophy of Mathematics. Proceedings of the Canadian Society for History and Philosophy of Mathematics/ Société canadienne d’histoire et de philosophie des mathématiques. Birkhäuser, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90983-7_8
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