Abstract
The ‘state fragility’ lens is going through a major existential crisis at the moment. Traditional state fragility indexes are increasingly seen as the extension of the privileged few’s willingness to regulate societies outside of the Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) area, and the results are being increasingly questioned and rejected by both scholars and practitioners. This has led to a new interest in the resilience and risk management discussion by numerous actors involved in the business of ranking states’ performance. This turn to resilience can be interpreted as both an understanding by many actors of the limits of traditional governance and capacity-building but also as recognition of the new opportunities for the governance of war-torn states. As such, I argue that the ‘fragility as resilience’ framework operates through a twin conception of securitisation: securitisation of the other—pathologising specific states and societies while legitimising international interventions—and securitisation of the self—moving towards new risk mitigation strategies. This chapter concludes on a case study of Haiti, analysing the logics at play behind the ‘fragility as resilience’ framework.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
See: http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/presscenter/speeches/2016/06/03/helen-clark-statement-on-working-in-fragile-contexts-including-in-middle-income-countries-at-the-2016-joint-meeting-of-the-executive-boards-of-undp-unfpa-unops-unicef-un-women-wfp.html. For a specific example of this approach in practice, see the Dead Sea Resilience Agenda for Syria, or the World Bank’s Social Development Department’s policy on ‘Making Societies More Resilient to Violence’. For an analysis of the major policy documents using the concept of resilience, see: Pospisil and Kühn 2016.
- 3.
- 4.
It is also worth pointing out that the concept of ‘weak state’, used in its contemporary sense, can be traced back as far as 1915, when Walter Lippmann, adviser to the President Woodrow Wilson, wrote that ‘the chief overwhelming problem of international diplomacy seems to be weak states. Weak because they are industrially backward and at present politically incompetent to prevent outbreaks of internal violence’ (Ropoport 1994, 59).
- 5.
For a good overview of the dissemination of the ‘fragile states’ agenda, see: Nay 2014.
- 6.
As exemplified in the use of the concept in speeches made by the former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and the former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
- 7.
- 8.
USAID has since changed its definition, understanding fragility as ‘the extent to which state-society relations fail to produce outcomes that are considered to be effective and legitimate’ (USAID 2014, 2).
- 9.
Most typologies in the literature and data sets on fragile states reveal a normative orientation towards the Western model. Even those who try to come up with a so-called alternative end up reinforcing the same bias, with a dichotomy following roughly the lines of the inclusion/exclusion of the OECD area (see, for instance, Krasner and Risse 2014, 548–550).
- 10.
Even if one accepts the assumptions behind the State Failure Task Force, the forecasting claim has been questioned by other mainstream authors (King and Zen 2001).
- 11.
Economic indicators have failed to predict the Arab uprisings (see: http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/10/21/economic-indicators-failed-to-predict-arab-uprisings), and the Fund for Peace had only one Arab country (Yemen, ranked thirteenth) as failed in 2010. Egypt and Syria barely fell into the top 50, and their scores were similar to rather more stable, semi-democratic countries like Colombia and the Philippines. Finally, three Arab countries that experienced a great deal of conflict and violence in 2011—Tunisia, Libya, and Bahrain—actually fell into the “bottom” half of the index, that is, among the allegedly stronger and more successful states (Goodwin 2011, 452).
- 12.
This category includes ten countries: Algeria, Armenia, Jordan, Laos, Rwanda, Tanzania, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, and Zambia. See: http://data.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/committeeevidence.svc/evidencedocument/international-development-committee/dfids-allocation-of-resources/written/28276.pdf.
- 13.
However, being labelled ‘fragile’ also presents opportunities to non-Western governments (see: Fisher 2014).
- 14.
It has identified countries the most vulnerable in five dimensions of risk and vulnerability linked to fragility: (1) violence (peaceful societies); (2) access to justice for all; (3) effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions; (4) economic foundations; and (5) capacity to adapt to social, economic, and environmental shocks and disasters (OECD 2015, 13).
- 15.
- 16.
United Nations, ‘Security Advisory’ [internal document, on file with author].
- 17.
Interview with Banding Drame, Chief of Security, MINUSTAH, 13 March 2017, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.
- 18.
Ibid.
- 19.
Interview with Gonzalez, Deputy Chief Security Officer in charge of operations, MINUSTAH, 7 June 2017, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.
- 20.
Interview with Mr. Freud Jean, Coordinator, Programme pour une Alternative de justice (PAJ), 5 December 2011, Port-au-Prince.
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Acknowledgements
A version of this chapter has been produced for the Global Center on Pluralism in Ottawa, Canada, and was also presented at the ‘Contested Global Governance, Transformed Global Governors?’ Workshop in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan (2017). I would like to thank Ed Laws, Claire Mcloughlin for their comments on earlier drafts, and Pol Bargues-Pedreny, Jonathan Fisher, John Heathershaw, Oleg Korneev, Philipp Lottholz, Médéric Martin-Mazé, and Rob Skinner for their comments on this draft. I would also like to acknowledge the AHRC support for this research (Grant number: AH/P004407/1), the Research Network ‘External Democracy Promotion’, and the ESRC Impact Accelerator Account at the University of Birmingham.
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Lemay-Hébert, N. (2019). From Saving Failed States to Managing Risks: Reinterpreting Fragility Through Resilience. In: Lahai, J., von Strokirch, K., Brasted, H., Ware, H. (eds) Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_4
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