Abstract
The paper attempts to develop a unified approach to the conventional discourse effects of the Hungarian particle ugye as it occurs in assertions and question acts and presents a formal, dynamic semantic analysis of its contribution. It offers a sketch of a possible historical development from a tag-type use to a sentence internal use, through separation of the contribution of intonation from the contribution of the lexical meaning of ugye. The uniform contribution of ugye to assertions and questions in the synchronic stage is taken to be a contextual presupposition. It is proposed that ugye requires a prior commitment to the semantic content φ of the sentence containing the particle on the part of the counterpart of the default perspective center of the speech act. In the case of an assertion it is the addressee who is argued to have a commitment to φ, which results in the “as you know” interpretation of ugye. In the case of questions it is the speaker who is presupposed to be committed to φ, which provides the biased question interpretation of sentences containing ugye pronounced with rise-fall intonation.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
I wish to thank the three anonymous reviewers of the paper for their valuable comments and suggestions, and Marcel den Dikken for editorial advice. Research for the paper was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (under the Institutional Partnership Program) and the National Research, Development and Innovation Office—NKFIH, under project no. K 115922.
- 2.
In Hungarian, the third person singular form of the verb is used instead of the second person singular form if the subject refers to the addressee and the speaker wishes to address this person formally (i.e., using of the ‘V-form’).
- 3.
Hungarian National Corpus (http://corpus.nytud.hu/mnsz/index_eng.html, Oravecz et al. 2014).
- 4.
- 5.
Alternatively, sentence-final ugye, preceded by an intonational break, can also be pronounced with a falling tone (H*L-L%). The function of the latter is to ask for confirmation rather than for agreement, and thus seems to have a function analogous to that of ‘falling tag interrogative’ in English (cf. Farkas and Roelofsen 2017). This falling questioning ugye, which cannot be integrated into the structure of the sentence, will not be discussed further in this paper.
- 6.
It was Péteri (2002) who first noted the similarities between ugye~ and ja referred to above.
- 7.
The source of Molnár’s (2016) data is the BUSZI-2 database (http://buszi.nytud.hu).
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
Hungarian National Corpus (http://corpus.nytud.hu/mnsz/index_eng.html, Oravecz et al. 2014).
- 11.
- 12.
In Malamud and Stephenson’s (2015: 291) words, “when using an RP-tag, a speaker is not directly committing to p, but is indicating that if p is confirmed, she will share responsibility for it”.
- 13.
In case we were to adopt Farkas and Roelofsen’s (2017) approach for the analysis of ugye/\, the question would arise whether we should consider it similar to rising tags and attribute to it a ‘credence’ level between moderate to high, or similar to falling tags, and attribute to it a high ‘credence’ level, given that the Hungarian construction is available both for asking for confirmation and for asking for acknowledgement.
- 14.
For a discussion of the process of semantic reanalysis, cf. Eckardt (2006).
- 15.
I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of the paper for asking for clarification in this matter. I believe, however that the solution proposed by the reviewer herself/himself, according to which the use of ugye “requires the Speaker to have some evidence (private or public) that the Addressee will go along with her commitment” is too weak, since it would predict that Addressee’s agreement depends on how successfully Speaker can convince him that she has evidence (not shared by Addressee) for the truth of φ. For example, although in the situation illustrated in (13), the husband seems to have every reason to go along with the speaker’s commitment (assuming that she has just spoke to a person who has first-hand information about the birth of the child), the use of ugye is still infelicitous.
- 16.
Cf. Krifka (2001) on the properties of ‘paired acts’ consisting of initiating and responding acts.
- 17.
I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of the paper for raising these important concerns.
References
Abuczki, Ágnes. 2015. A multimodal discourse-pragmatic analysis of ugye (~‘is that so?’). Sprachtheorie und germanistische Linguistik 25 (1): 41–74.
Asher, Nicholas, and Brian Reese. 2007. Intonation and discourse: biased questions. Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure 8: 1–38.
Benkő, Loránd. 1995. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Ungarischen II. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.
Bylinina, Lisa, Eric McCready, and Yasutada Sudo. 2014. The landscape of perspective shifting. Pronouns in embedded contexts at the syntax-semantics interface. Tübingen, 7–9 November 2014.
Davis, Christopher. 2009. Decisions, dynamics and the Japanese Particle yo. Journal of Semantics 26: 329–366.
Davis, Christopher. 2011. Constraining interpretation: Sentence final particles in Japanese. PhD diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Eckardt, Regine. 2006. Meaning change in grammaticalization. Oxford: OUP.
Farkas, Donka F., and Kim Bruce. 2010. On reacting to assertions and polar questions. Journal of Semantics 27: 81–118.
Farkas, Donka F., and Floris Roelofsen. 2017. Division of labor in the interpretation of declaratives and interrogatives. Journal of Semantics 34: 237–289.
Fónagy, Iván, and Klára Magdics. 1967. A magyar beszéd dallama. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.
Grice, Martine, D. Robert Ladd, and Amalia Arvaniti. 2000. On the place of phrase accents in intonational phonology. Phonology 17: 143–185.
Gunlogson, Christine. 2003. True to form. Rising and falling declaratives as questions in English. New York: Routledge.
Gunlogson, Christine. 2008. A question of commitment. Belgian Journal of Linguistics 22:101–136.
Gutzmann, Daniel. 2015. Use-conditional meaning. Studies in multidimensional semantics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gyuris, Beáta. 2009. Sentence-types, discourse particles, and intonation in Hungarian. In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung, SinSpeC Volume 5, June 2009, vol. 13, ed. T. Solstad and A. Riester. Stuttgart: Stuttgart University.
Gyuris, Beáta. 2017. New perspectives on bias in polar questions: A study of Hungarian -e. International Review of Pragmatics 9: 1–50.
H. Molnár, Ilona. 1968. A módosítószók mondattani arculatának kérdéséhez. Magyar Nyelv 55:357–361, 470–480.
Hamblin, Charles. 1973. Questions in Montague English. Foundations of Language 10: 41–53.
Kaplan, David. 1989. Demonstratives. In Themes from Kaplan, ed. J. Almog, J. Perry, and H. Wettstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Károly, Sándor. 1962. A kijelentő, felkiáltó, óhajtó, felszólító és kérdő mondat. In A mai magyar nyelv rendszere, ed. J. Tompa. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.
Kenesei, István, Robert Michael Vago, and Anna Fenyvesi. 1998. Hungarian. London: Routledge.
Keszler, Borbála. 2000. Magyar grammatika. Budapest: Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó.
Kleiber, Judit, and Gábor Alberti. 2014. ReALIS: Discourse representation with a radically new ontology. In Complex visibles out there. Proceedings of the Olomouc linguistics colloquium 2014: Language use and linguistic structure, ed. L. Veselovská and M. Janebová. Olomouc: Palacký University.
Kornai, András, and László Kálmán. 1988. Hungarian sentence intonation. In Autosegmental studies in pitch accent, ed. H. van der Hulst, and N. Smith. Dordrecht: Foris.
Krifka, Manfred. 2001. Quantifying into question acts. Natural Language Semantics 9: 1–40.
Krifka, Manfred. 2017. Negated polarity questions as denegations of assertions. In Contrastiveness in information structure, alternatives and scalar implicatures, ed. F. Kiefer and C. Lee, 359–398. Cham: Springer International Publishing Switzerland.
Kugler, Nóra. 1998. A partikula. Magyar Nyelvőr 122: 214–219.
Ladd, D. Robert. 1981. A first look at the semantics and pragmatics of negative questions and tag questions. CLS 17: 164–171.
Ladd, D. Robert. 1996. Intonational phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lasersohn, Peter. 2005. Context dependence, disagreement, and predicates of personal taste. Linguistics and Philosophy 28: 643–686.
Mády, Katalin, and Ádám Szalontai. 2014. Where do questions begin?—phrase-initial boundary tones in Hungarian polar questions. Social and linguistic speech prosody. In Proceedings of the 7th international conference on speech prosody, ed. N. Campbell, D. Gibbon and D. Hirst. Dublin, Ireland: Trinity College.
Malamud, Sophia A., and Tamina Stephenson. 2015. Three ways to avoid commitments: Declarative force modifiers in the conversational scoreboard. Journal of Semantics 32: 275–311.
McCready, Eric. 2007. Context shifting in questions and elsewhere In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 11, ed. E. Puig-Waldmüller. Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra.
Molnár, Cecília Sarolta. 2016. Ugye melyik szabály alól ne találnánk kivételt? Az ugye partikula előfordulása kiegészítendő kérdésekben. Jelentés és Nyelvhasználat 3: 151–167.
Oravecz, Csaba, Tamás Váradi, and Bálint Sass. 2014. The Hungarian Gigaword Corpus. In Proceedings of LREC 2014.
Péteri, Attila. 2002. Abtönungspartikeln im deutsch-ungarischen Sprachvergleich. Budapest: Asteriskos.
Reese, Brian. 2007. Bias in questions. PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin.
Roberts, Craige. 2012. Information structure in discourse: Towards an integrated formal theory of pragmatics. Semantics and Pragmatics 5: Article 6: 1–69.
Schirm, Anita. 2011. A diskurzusjelölők funkciói: a hát, az -e és a vajon elemek története és szinkrón státusza alapján. PhD diss., Szegedi Tudományegyetem, Szeged.
Stalnaker, Robert. 1978. Assertion. In Syntax and semantics 9: Pragmatics, ed. P. Cole. New York: Academic Press.
Stephenson, Tamina. 2005. Assessor sensitivity: Epistemic modals and predicates of personal taste. In New work on modality, ed. J. Gajewski, V. Hacquard, B. Nickel and S. Yalcin.
Stephenson, Tamina. 2007. Towards a theory of subjective meaning. PhD diss., MIT.
Tonhauser, Judith, David Beaver, Craige Roberts, and Mandy Simons. 2013. Toward a taxonomy of projective content. Language 89: 66–109.
Varga, László. 2002. Intonation and stress. Evidence from Hungarian. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
Zimmermann, Malte. 2011. Discourse particles. In Semantics, vol. 2, ed. K. von Heusinger, C. Maienborn and P. Portner. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012–2038.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2018 Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Gyuris, B. (2018). Ugye in Hungarian: Towards a Unified Analysis. In: Bartos, H., den Dikken, M., Bánréti, Z., Váradi, T. (eds) Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 94. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_13
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_13
Published:
Publisher Name: Springer, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-90709-3
Online ISBN: 978-3-319-90710-9
eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)