Skip to main content

Part of the book series: Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory ((SNLT,volume 94))

Abstract

The paper attempts to develop a unified approach to the conventional discourse effects of the Hungarian particle ugye as it occurs in assertions and question acts and presents a formal, dynamic semantic analysis of its contribution. It offers a sketch of a possible historical development from a tag-type use to a sentence internal use, through separation of the contribution of intonation from the contribution of the lexical meaning of ugye. The uniform contribution of ugye to assertions and questions in the synchronic stage is taken to be a contextual presupposition. It is proposed that ugye requires a prior commitment to the semantic content φ of the sentence containing the particle on the part of the counterpart of the default perspective center of the speech act. In the case of an assertion it is the addressee who is argued to have a commitment to φ, which results in the “as you know” interpretation of ugye. In the case of questions it is the speaker who is presupposed to be committed to φ, which provides the biased question interpretation of sentences containing ugye pronounced with rise-fall intonation.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 139.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 179.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 179.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    I wish to thank the three anonymous reviewers of the paper for their valuable comments and suggestions, and Marcel den Dikken for editorial advice. Research for the paper was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (under the Institutional Partnership Program) and the National Research, Development and Innovation Office—NKFIH, under project no. K 115922.

  2. 2.

    In Hungarian, the third person singular form of the verb is used instead of the second person singular form if the subject refers to the addressee and the speaker wishes to address this person formally (i.e., using of the ‘V-form’).

  3. 3.

    Hungarian National Corpus (http://corpus.nytud.hu/mnsz/index_eng.html, Oravecz et al. 2014).

  4. 4.

    Ladd (1996) and Grice et al. (2000: 150) analyse the rise-fall pitch in terms of a L*HL% contour. Cf. Kornai and Kálmán (1988), Mády and Szalontai (2014) and Varga (2002) for further discussion.

  5. 5.

    Alternatively, sentence-final ugye, preceded by an intonational break, can also be pronounced with a falling tone (H*L-L%). The function of the latter is to ask for confirmation rather than for agreement, and thus seems to have a function analogous to that of ‘falling tag interrogative’ in English (cf. Farkas and Roelofsen 2017). This falling questioning ugye, which cannot be integrated into the structure of the sentence, will not be discussed further in this paper.

  6. 6.

    It was Péteri (2002) who first noted the similarities between ugye~ and ja referred to above.

  7. 7.

    The source of Molnár’s (2016) data is the BUSZI-2 database (http://buszi.nytud.hu).

  8. 8.

    Recent empirical and theoretical studies of ugye include Abuczki (2015), Schirm (2011) and Kleiber and Alberti (2014). None of them offers a comprehensive account of the various uses of ugye in questions and assertions, however.

  9. 9.

    Cf. also Gunlogson (2003) and Farkas and Bruce (2010) for assumptions on commitments associated with assertions and questions.

  10. 10.

    Hungarian National Corpus (http://corpus.nytud.hu/mnsz/index_eng.html, Oravecz et al. 2014).

  11. 11.

    According to Gunlogson (2003) and Farkas and Bruce (2010), if interlocutors share a public commitment to a proposition φ, this becomes part of the CG.

  12. 12.

    In Malamud and Stephenson’s (2015: 291) words, “when using an RP-tag, a speaker is not directly committing to p, but is indicating that if p is confirmed, she will share responsibility for it”.

  13. 13.

    In case we were to adopt Farkas and Roelofsen’s (2017) approach for the analysis of ugye/\, the question would arise whether we should consider it similar to rising tags and attribute to it a ‘credence’ level between moderate to high, or similar to falling tags, and attribute to it a high ‘credence’ level, given that the Hungarian construction is available both for asking for confirmation and for asking for acknowledgement.

  14. 14.

    For a discussion of the process of semantic reanalysis, cf. Eckardt (2006).

  15. 15.

    I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of the paper for asking for clarification in this matter. I believe, however that the solution proposed by the reviewer herself/himself, according to which the use of ugye “requires the Speaker to have some evidence (private or public) that the Addressee will go along with her commitment” is too weak, since it would predict that Addressee’s agreement depends on how successfully Speaker can convince him that she has evidence (not shared by Addressee) for the truth of φ. For example, although in the situation illustrated in (13), the husband seems to have every reason to go along with the speaker’s commitment (assuming that she has just spoke to a person who has first-hand information about the birth of the child), the use of ugye is still infelicitous.

  16. 16.

    Cf. Krifka (2001) on the properties of ‘paired acts’ consisting of initiating and responding acts.

  17. 17.

    I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of the paper for raising these important concerns.

References

  • Abuczki, Ágnes. 2015. A multimodal discourse-pragmatic analysis of ugye (~‘is that so?’). Sprachtheorie und germanistische Linguistik 25 (1): 41–74.

    Google Scholar 

  • Asher, Nicholas, and Brian Reese. 2007. Intonation and discourse: biased questions. Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure 8: 1–38.

    Google Scholar 

  • Benkő, Loránd. 1995. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Ungarischen II. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bylinina, Lisa, Eric McCready, and Yasutada Sudo. 2014. The landscape of perspective shifting. Pronouns in embedded contexts at the syntax-semantics interface. Tübingen, 7–9 November 2014.

    Google Scholar 

  • Davis, Christopher. 2009. Decisions, dynamics and the Japanese Particle yo. Journal of Semantics 26: 329–366.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Davis, Christopher. 2011. Constraining interpretation: Sentence final particles in Japanese. PhD diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

    Google Scholar 

  • Eckardt, Regine. 2006. Meaning change in grammaticalization. Oxford: OUP.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Farkas, Donka F., and Kim Bruce. 2010. On reacting to assertions and polar questions. Journal of Semantics 27: 81–118.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Farkas, Donka F., and Floris Roelofsen. 2017. Division of labor in the interpretation of declaratives and interrogatives. Journal of Semantics 34: 237–289.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fónagy, Iván, and Klára Magdics. 1967. A magyar beszéd dallama. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.

    Google Scholar 

  • Grice, Martine, D. Robert Ladd, and Amalia Arvaniti. 2000. On the place of phrase accents in intonational phonology. Phonology 17: 143–185.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Gunlogson, Christine. 2003. True to form. Rising and falling declaratives as questions in English. New York: Routledge.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gunlogson, Christine. 2008. A question of commitment. Belgian Journal of Linguistics 22:101–136.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gutzmann, Daniel. 2015. Use-conditional meaning. Studies in multidimensional semantics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Gyuris, Beáta. 2009. Sentence-types, discourse particles, and intonation in Hungarian. In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung, SinSpeC Volume 5, June 2009, vol. 13, ed. T. Solstad and A. Riester. Stuttgart: Stuttgart University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gyuris, Beáta. 2017. New perspectives on bias in polar questions: A study of Hungarian -e. International Review of Pragmatics 9: 1–50.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • H. Molnár, Ilona. 1968. A módosítószók mondattani arculatának kérdéséhez. Magyar Nyelv 55:357–361, 470–480.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hamblin, Charles. 1973. Questions in Montague English. Foundations of Language 10: 41–53.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kaplan, David. 1989. Demonstratives. In Themes from Kaplan, ed. J. Almog, J. Perry, and H. Wettstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Károly, Sándor. 1962. A kijelentő, felkiáltó, óhajtó, felszólító és kérdő mondat. In A mai magyar nyelv rendszere, ed. J. Tompa. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kenesei, István, Robert Michael Vago, and Anna Fenyvesi. 1998. Hungarian. London: Routledge.

    Google Scholar 

  • Keszler, Borbála. 2000. Magyar grammatika. Budapest: Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kleiber, Judit, and Gábor Alberti. 2014. ReALIS: Discourse representation with a radically new ontology. In Complex visibles out there. Proceedings of the Olomouc linguistics colloquium 2014: Language use and linguistic structure, ed. L. Veselovská and M. Janebová. Olomouc: Palacký University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kornai, András, and László Kálmán. 1988. Hungarian sentence intonation. In Autosegmental studies in pitch accent, ed. H. van der Hulst, and N. Smith. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Krifka, Manfred. 2001. Quantifying into question acts. Natural Language Semantics 9: 1–40.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Krifka, Manfred. 2017. Negated polarity questions as denegations of assertions. In Contrastiveness in information structure, alternatives and scalar implicatures, ed. F. Kiefer and C. Lee, 359–398. Cham: Springer International Publishing Switzerland.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Kugler, Nóra. 1998. A partikula. Magyar Nyelvőr 122: 214–219.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ladd, D. Robert. 1981. A first look at the semantics and pragmatics of negative questions and tag questions. CLS 17: 164–171.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ladd, D. Robert. 1996. Intonational phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lasersohn, Peter. 2005. Context dependence, disagreement, and predicates of personal taste. Linguistics and Philosophy 28: 643–686.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Mády, Katalin, and Ádám Szalontai. 2014. Where do questions begin?—phrase-initial boundary tones in Hungarian polar questions. Social and linguistic speech prosody. In Proceedings of the 7th international conference on speech prosody, ed. N. Campbell, D. Gibbon and D. Hirst. Dublin, Ireland: Trinity College.

    Google Scholar 

  • Malamud, Sophia A., and Tamina Stephenson. 2015. Three ways to avoid commitments: Declarative force modifiers in the conversational scoreboard. Journal of Semantics 32: 275–311.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • McCready, Eric. 2007. Context shifting in questions and elsewhere In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 11, ed. E. Puig-Waldmüller. Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra.

    Google Scholar 

  • Molnár, Cecília Sarolta. 2016. Ugye melyik szabály alól ne találnánk kivételt? Az ugye partikula előfordulása kiegészítendő kérdésekben. Jelentés és Nyelvhasználat 3: 151–167.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Oravecz, Csaba, Tamás Váradi, and Bálint Sass. 2014. The Hungarian Gigaword Corpus. In Proceedings of LREC 2014.

    Google Scholar 

  • Péteri, Attila. 2002. Abtönungspartikeln im deutsch-ungarischen Sprachvergleich. Budapest: Asteriskos.

    Google Scholar 

  • Reese, Brian. 2007. Bias in questions. PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin.

    Google Scholar 

  • Roberts, Craige. 2012. Information structure in discourse: Towards an integrated formal theory of pragmatics. Semantics and Pragmatics 5: Article 6: 1–69.

    Google Scholar 

  • Schirm, Anita. 2011. A diskurzusjelölők funkciói: a hát, az -e és a vajon elemek története és szinkrón státusza alapján. PhD diss., Szegedi Tudományegyetem, Szeged.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stalnaker, Robert. 1978. Assertion. In Syntax and semantics 9: Pragmatics, ed. P. Cole. New York: Academic Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stephenson, Tamina. 2005. Assessor sensitivity: Epistemic modals and predicates of personal taste. In New work on modality, ed. J. Gajewski, V. Hacquard, B. Nickel and S. Yalcin.

    Google Scholar 

  • Stephenson, Tamina. 2007. Towards a theory of subjective meaning. PhD diss., MIT.

    Google Scholar 

  • Tonhauser, Judith, David Beaver, Craige Roberts, and Mandy Simons. 2013. Toward a taxonomy of projective content. Language 89: 66–109.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Varga, László. 2002. Intonation and stress. Evidence from Hungarian. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Zimmermann, Malte. 2011. Discourse particles. In Semantics, vol. 2, ed. K. von Heusinger, C. Maienborn and P. Portner. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012–2038.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Beáta Gyuris .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2018 Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Gyuris, B. (2018). Ugye in Hungarian: Towards a Unified Analysis. In: Bartos, H., den Dikken, M., Bánréti, Z., Váradi, T. (eds) Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 94. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_13

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90710-9_13

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-319-90709-3

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-90710-9

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics